
Richmond police ban feds from tracking immigrants' license plate data
Why it matters: RPD has permanently blocked all federal agencies from being able to do so, saying the action violates department policy.
Catch up quick: Police said Tuesday that they learned the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) has been improperly accessing the automatic license plate reader data from its provider, Flock Safety, for months.
RPD had granted ATF access to the data to assist with its investigations in February, a month before the federal agency got involved with immigration enforcement.
Police say they found out in June that ATF agents had been making immigration-related searches in the system since March. Then RPD cut them off.
What they're saying: "If ATF had formally requested access for that purpose, I would have denied it," Richmond Police Chief Rick Edwards said in a statement.
Edwards has previously said RPD wouldn't work with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to make arrests, citing a need to maintain community trust.
The other side: ATF officials said in a statement that they "regret that this situation occurred" and added that the searches "were related to criminal activity, not civil immigration enforcement."
The big picture: The latest incident is part of a broader pattern happening across Virginia, where advocates are scrutinizing how data from Flock Safety's automatic license plate readers (ALPR) has been used for immigration surveillance.
By the numbers: A WHRO investigation found dozens of immigration-related searches across five counties, including Chesterfield, using ALPRs from June 2024 to April 2025.
Richmond and Henrico have a combined 184 Flock cameras, which is among the most in the state, per WHRO.
What we're watching: A new Virginia law, effective July 1, says law enforcement can use ALPR data only for in-state criminal investigations.

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The Hill
a day ago
- The Hill
One year after Chevron's demise, gun regulation is unraveling
Just over a year ago, the Supreme Court struck down one of the main pillars of how modern federal regulation works — the Chevron doctrine. This rule, whose name was taken from a 1980s Supreme Court case, had required federal judges to defer to federal agency interpretations of their own authority in cases where the underlying laws were vague. The Loper Bright ruling that ended so-called 'Chevron deference' last June was described as a 'return to judicial balance' — a technical correction. But its consequences are now impossible to ignore. This decision gas hit gun regulation especially hard, stripping the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms of one of its key tools for enforcing gun control. Between Loper Bright and the Supreme Court's striking down of the ban on bump stocks in Garland v. Cargill, courts across the South have begun systematically overturning rules. Before Loper Bright, the ATF claimed the authority to decide what counts as a firearm — including whether modifications or added parts fell under regulation. The agency used that flexibility to slow the spread of dangerous modifications. After the demise of Chevron, however, courts are no longer required to defer to agency interpretations, meaning that agencies like the ATF can no longer count on winning if they 'fill in the blanks' where Congress was vague. That means every new restriction must be clearly written into law, and older rules are now being challenged in court. The ATF is left watching from the sidelines as Loper Bright has become a standard reference in gun-related cases. Southern states didn't waste time. Immediately after the decision, judges began citing it, and one year later we're seeing regional changes. For example, efforts are now underway to draft looser rules on pistol braces — add-ons that effectively turn pistols into rifle-style weapons — after the stricter Biden-era rule was struck down as impermissibly vague. A judge in Texas also blocked ATF's attempts to regulate forced-reset triggers — devices that let semi-auto rifles fire almost like automatics — on the grounds that only Congress can decide what counts as a machine gun. This ruling shows how, after Chevron ended, agencies lost their ability to stretch unclear laws into gray areas. The argument is clear and consistent: If something isn't explicitly defined as a firearm in the law, the agency cannot necessarily count on its claims of authority over it holding up in court. Without Chevron, regulators can't just interpret or assume provisions 'in the interest of public safety' and expect their interpretations to carry the day by default. Chevron's fall didn't just weaken the ATF — it shook the foundation of how regulation works. Now, every gun rule must be spelled out. Until that happens, loopholes remain open. Meanwhile, Congress's continued silence has opened the door to a wave of new weapon variations and modifications. The market is drifting into chaos, making rules hard to enforce and define. By striking down Chevron, the court removed one of the few tools still keeping gun regulation alive. Without new laws from Congress, legal chaos becomes the norm. More weapons, more loopholes, less clarity. The court made its choice. Now it's up to Congress. And as long as politicians stay quiet, the law is being written by those with guns in their hands. Artem Kolisnichenko writes on crime, immigration, and border policy across the American South and Southwest.


Boston Globe
3 days ago
- Boston Globe
‘Dragnet warrantless surveillance': Advocates raise concerns over license plate tracking database
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'And law enforcement agencies should regularly conduct audits to ensure all users are complying with the letter and spirit of those policies.' The Flock Safety data was acquired by the ACLU of Massachusetts following a public records request and shared with the Globe. It shows that 88 police departments in Massachusetts requested information from it over the past 12 months. It is unclear how many of those departments have cameras that share data nationwide, and Flock Safety did not respond to a request for that information. Michael Bradley, executive director of the Massachusetts Chiefs of Police Association, described automatic plate readers as a 'proven public safety tool' typically governed by departmental policies that restrict access to authorized personnel and limit data retention. 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In Bellingham, a Norfolk County town of 17,000 people, the police department signed a deal to have Flock install cameras in 2023, Police Chief Ken Fitzgerald said in an interview. Fitzgerald said one perk of the system is that Flock operates the cameras and maintains the images they capture, cutting down on the administrative burden for the department. 'The nice portion of this for us, I suppose, is that government is not taking pictures or storing pictures of anyone,' he said. 'This is a private company.' That same privatization is worrisome for civil liberties advocates, who have voiced concerns that Flock is not accountable to the Massachusetts public. 'It is dragnet warrantless surveillance that targets all motorists,' Crockford said. 'Not people suspected of criminal activity, but anyone.' 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Yahoo
4 days ago
- Yahoo
Grenade detonation leads to sentencing for Pittsburg County resident
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