Capricorn Horoscope Today, July 15, 2025
Capricorn Daily Horoscope, July 15, 2025: Financial pressure may arise today. Stay calm and learn from setbacks. Your discipline and focus will guide you toward long-term success.
Capricorn Daily Horoscope Today, 15 July 2025: Ganesha says today has brought a little challenge for you financially. You may have to face some loss today. Despite this, you should not be disappointed; rather, face this situation and learn from it. You may need to re-examine your financial plans and improve them. There are chances of vehicle-related expenses also. The paths will be created automatically, and you will fulfill your responsibilities well. Confidence will increase in following the rules, and you will focus on your goal.
Negotiations will be successful, and achievements will increase. You will move forward in an organized manner, which will increase respect and prestige. Discipline and continuity will improve, and the system will become more organized. Your food will be attractive, and your personality will improve. Health will be good, and time management will improve.
Capricorn Horoscope Today, July 15, 2025
Lucky Colour: Pink
Lucky Number: 9
(The author Chirag Daruwalla is the son of Astrologer Bejan Daruwalla).
About the Author
Chirag Daruwalla
Get Latest Updates on Movies, Breaking News On India, World, Live Cricket Scores, And Stock Market Updates. Also Download the News18 App to stay updated!
First Published:
News astrology Capricorn Horoscope Today, July 15, 2025
Latest News
Aquarius Horoscope Today, July 15, 2025
Astrology
India
What Happened After A Project Delayed By 53 Years Came Up For Review Before PM Modi? Exclusive
Astrology
Capricorn Horoscope Today, July 15, 2025
World
SC Greenlights Trump's Plan To Dismantle Education Dept, Lay Off 1,400 Employees
World
'Russia Making War New Normal, Putin Not Ready For Peace': Zelenskyy Thanks Trump For Patriot
latest news
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Economic Times
13 minutes ago
- Economic Times
Indonesia signs up for 50 Boeing jets as Trump imposes 19 percent tariff on goods
US President Donald Trump has confirmed a deal with Indonesia to buy 50 Boeing planes, energy and farm goods worth billions. In return, Indonesian exports will face a 19 percent tariff. The agreement mirrors recent pacts with Vietnam and the UK as Trump pushes for tighter trade terms before his August deadline. Meanwhile, the EU prepares to retaliate if its own talks with Washington break down, adding to a growing global tariff standoff. FILE PHOTO: FILE PHOTO: A Boeing 737 MAX 8, the first jet intended for use by a Chinese airline to be returned to its manufacturer, sits parked at Boeing Field, as trade tensions escalate over U.S. tariffs with China, in Seattle, Washington, U.S. April 22, 2025. REUTERS/David Ryder/File Photo/File Photo Tired of too many ads? Remove Ads Access in, tariffs out Tired of too many ads? Remove Ads Trade deficit sits unmoved Jakarta waits to spell it out The August deadline looms Europe plans countermove Tired of too many ads? Remove Ads US President Donald Trump on Tuesday said Indonesia will buy 50 Boeing jets as part of a trade agreement struck to fend off steeper tariffs. He announced the move on Truth Social, laying out what Indonesia must spend on American products."As part of the Agreement, Indonesia has committed to purchasing $15 Billion Dollars in U.S. Energy, $4.5 Billion Dollars in American Agricultural Products, and 50 Boeing Jets, many of them 777's," Trump catch is that Indonesian goods will now face a 19 percent tariff when entering the US. Trump said this would help reset what he sees as unfair trade outside the Oval Office, Trump made clear the core of his plan. "They are going to pay 19% and we are going to pay nothing ... we will have full access into Indonesia, and we have a couple of those deals that are going to be announced," he commerce secretary, Howard Lutnick, added to this on CNBC. "No tariffs there. They pay tariffs here, switching the asymmetry our way. Let's bring industry back, and that's going to unleash our farmers, our ranchers, our fishermen and our industries," Lutnick matches the deal framework Trump's team reached with Vietnam weeks ago. Sell more American goods abroad, tax more of what comes all this, America's trade gap with Indonesia has not shifted much. Total trade between the two countries was just under 40 billion dollars in 2024. US exports rose by 3.7 percent while imports climbed by 4.8 percent. The result: an almost 18 billion dollar deficit in Indonesia's imports from Indonesia include palm oil, electronics, shoes, car tyres, rubber and frozen shrimp. On paper, Indonesia's average tariff rate is high at 37 percent but the real rate applied last year was just under 6 percent, according to WTO Coordinating Ministry for Economic Affairs says more detail will come soon. Susiwijono Moegiarso told Reuters in a message, "We are preparing a joint statement between U.S. and Indonesia that will explain the size of reciprocal tariff for Indonesia including the tariff deal, non-tariff and commercial arrangements. We will inform (the public) soon."Trump's warning to Indonesia was clear. Last week, he sent a letter to the Indonesian president threatening a 32 percent tariff starting 1 August. He did the same with around two dozen other countries. Canada, Japan, Brazil and copper exports all landed on that list too, with threatened tariffs reaching as high as 50 idea is to push these countries to strike deals before August to avoid the full hit. Trump's administration once promised to deliver "90 deals in 90 days". So far, the list is short. There is a framework with Vietnam, an agreement with the UK and an interim deal with China to pause bigger tariffs while talks drag on. Trump says India might be next."India basically is working along that same line. We're going to have access to India. And you have to understand, we had no access into any of these countries. Our people couldn't go in. And now we're getting access because of what we're doing with the tariffs," Trump timing of the Indonesia breakthrough is no accident. The European Union is preparing its own hit list if talks with Washington fail. The European Commission wants permission to slap tariffs on 72 billion euros of US goods including Boeing aircraft, cars, whiskey, chemicals and farm is pushing a possible 30 percent tariff on EU imports from 1 August. Brussels says that would crush normal trade ties between two of the world's largest markets. After a meeting of EU ministers in Brussels, trade chief Maros Sefcovic said they were ready to shield European companies if talks next few weeks will test how far Trump's tariff push really goes. The Indonesia deal brings a Boeing order and pledges for American farmers. But the new tariff will squeeze Indonesia's exports back to the US. More deals may follow, or not. Either way, the world's trade map could look different by the end of summer.
&w=3840&q=100)
Business Standard
15 minutes ago
- Business Standard
Trump rules out sending long-range weapons as Ukraine awaits US aid
President Donald Trump has downplayed the possibility of sending Ukraine long-range weapons as Kyiv awaits an injection of US weaponry that it hopes will help it beat back an intensifying Russian air offensive. Trump on Tuesday offered a more cautious tone on what to expect after he threatened Russia a day earlier with steep tariffs if President Vladimir Putin doesn't act within 50 days to end the three-year conflict. He also on Monday announced plans to bolster Kyiv's stockpile by selling American weapons to Nato allies who would in turn send arms to Ukraine. Providing Ukraine with more long-range weaponry would give Kyiv the chance to strike further into Russian territory, a move that some in Ukraine and the US have said could help push Putin toward negotiations to end the fighting. Asked if he intended to supply Ukraine with weapons that could reach deeper into Russian territory, Trump replied, "We're not looking to do that." He made the remarks to reporters before departing the White House for an energy investment event in Pittsburgh. While Trump's threats of weapons, sanctions and tariffs mark the most substantive pressure he's placed on Putin since returning to office nearly six months ago, some lawmakers said they remain concerned that the administration, with the 50-day deadline, is giving Putin time to grab even more Ukrainian territory. Sens. Thom Tillis, a Republican from North Carolina, and Jeanne Shaheen, a Democrat from New Hampshire, said waiting 50 days before imposing sanctions on Russia would give Putin more time to gain an advantage in the war. "The 50-day delay worries me that Putin would try to use the 50 days to win the war, or to be better positioned to negotiate a peace agreement after having murdered and potentially collected more ground," said Tillis, who recently announced he won't run for re-election. Tillis and Shaheen lead the Senate Nato Observer Group, which facilitates work between Congress and Nato, and met Tuesday with Nato Secretary General Mark Rutte on Capitol Hill. Trump himself scoffed at the idea that 50 days is giving Putin too much time. The president suggested he may act more quickly if he does not see signs that Putin is taking steps toward ending the conflict. "I don't think 50 days is very long and it could be shorter than that," he said. Ahead of Trump's announcement that he would impose a 100 per cent tariff on Russia's trading partners if Putin doesn't negotiate an end to the war, bipartisan legislation proscribing even tougher sanctions on Moscow was gaining steam in the Senate. The legislation, in part, calls for a 500 per cent tariff on goods imported from countries that continue to buy Russian oil, gas, uranium and other exports. It would have an enormous impact on the economies of Brazil, China and India, which account for the vast majority of Russia's energy trade. But Trump on Monday said "at a certain point it doesn't matter" how high the tariff is set and that "100 per cent is going to serve the same function". Senate Majority Leader John Thune said he was putting the legislation on hold following Trump's announcement. Trump during his campaign described the conflict as a waste of US taxpayer money and vowed to quickly end it on his first day back in office. He deflected when asked by a reporter on Tuesday if his tougher tone on Putin suggests he's now on Ukraine's side in the bloody conflict. "I'm on nobody's side," Trump said, adding this concern was for "humanity". US officials say they are still sorting through Ukraine's wish list of weaponry to determine what can be most quickly replaced after Trump announced an agreement for Europe to supply Ukraine with defensive munitions from existing stocks. The officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss arms transfers that have not yet been approved or completed, said Ukraine's requests for military equipment are roughly the same as they have been since the start of Russia's invasion. Those include air defences like Patriot missiles and Advanced Precision Kill Weapon Systems, long-range missiles known as ATACMS and short- to medium-range ground-to-air missiles known as NASAMs, and assorted artillery, according to the officials. Under the terms of the very rough agreement sketched out by Trump and Rutte on Monday, Nato members would ship billions of dollars of these weapons to Ukraine and then purchase replacements for them from the United States. One official said some of the larger items such as Patriots could take up to five years to produce to deliver to the European donors, while smaller munitions like 155 mm artillery shells can be produced on a much shorter timeline. Trump has lately changed his once friendly tune toward Putin, whom he has long admired and whom he sided with publicly over his national security team during his first term when asked whether Russia had interfered in the 2016 election. In recent weeks, Trump has chastised Putin for continuing his brutal assault on Ukrainian cities, even noting that the Russian leader "talks nice and then he bombs everybody".
Indian Express
18 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Trump 2.0 is upending US ties. De-coupling may be hard – de-risking is necessary
Sections of the Indian foreign policy community feel 'betrayed' by the Donald Trump administration, which has found unexpected affection for Rawalpindi, raised a host of tough demands on trade, and threatened additional tariffs on India because of its BRICS membership and continued purchase of Russian oil. It is, perhaps, a small consolation that India is not alone. America's neighbours and largest trading partners (Mexico and Canada) and its longstanding allies in Europe and Asia have even more reasons to feel betrayed. Most of these alliances date back to the end of World War II and have weathered multiple crises over the past eight decades. But as in life, so in international relations — nothing is forever. If change is the only constant, that moment of restructuring has now arrived for America's alliances and partnerships in Europe and Asia. As a non-ally, India is better prepared for change in America. The idea of 'strategic autonomy', long central to India's foreign policy, has been viewed with scepticism by India's Western partners. They have argued that India's near obsession with autonomy limits the scope for strategic cooperation with the US and Europe. But today, 'strategic autonomy' has become the new mantra among America's allies themselves. In his address to the British Parliament last week, French President Emmanuel Macron reflected on the implications of the unprecedented disruption unleashed by President Trump's second term. He underlined the need for deeper Franco-British cooperation to reduce what he called the 'dual dependency' on the US and China. Macron warned against Europe's excessive reliance on the two superpowers for economic, technological, and security needs, and emphasised the urgency of reclaiming European strategic autonomy. He called for stronger Franco-British collaboration on defence, climate action, migration and technological innovation, suggesting that only through unity can Europe effectively respond to global challenges and safeguard its interests. Although America's European allies bent over backwards to placate 'daddy' Trump at the NATO summit last month, they are shocked by the Trump administration's policies. If there were any lingering doubts, Trump dispelled them over the weekend by imposing a 30 per cent tariff on imports from the European Union, shattering hopes for compromise on trade. Trump has long regarded the EU as a bigger economic threat than China but few anticipated that transatlantic ties would deteriorate so sharply in his second term. Britain's Prime Minister, Keir Starmer, may lack the rhetorical flair of his French counterpart but he, too, is seeking to rebalance the 'special relationship' with the US against the geographic imperative of Europe. If Brexit a decade ago was about distancing from Europe and reconnecting with the Anglosphere, Starmer's Labour government is working to rebuild links with the Continent. Trump, despite his family origins in the UK, has little affection for Britain. His MAGA coalition looks down on its 'poorer cousins' in the British Isles. The story is no different in Asia, where two of America's staunchest allies are seething over Trump's actions. The announcement of 25 per cent tariffs on Japanese imports triggered rare outrage within Japan's political class, which has placed nearly all its strategic bets on the US since World War II. It was remarkable, therefore, to hear the Japanese PM declare that Tokyo must reduce its dependence on Washington. He made it clear that Japan would not offer 'easy concessions' or compromise its national interests in the face of US pressure. To be sure, Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba is in the midst of an upper house election campaign this week. But this is not mere campaign rhetoric. He stressed that Japan, as the largest foreign investor in the US and a major creator of American jobs, deserves different treatment from countries targeted by the tariffs. Despite months of negotiations, repeated diplomatic missions to Washington, and a pledge of $1 trillion in new investment, Ishiba's government could not persuade Trump to hold back, especially as the US President remained dissatisfied with Japan's market access for American rice and automobiles. Equally emphatic about strategic autonomy has been Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese. Few countries have been as close to Washington as Australia. Yet, in a major speech last week, Albanese insisted that being an ally does not mean being a blind follower. He described the US alliance as a 'pillar' of Australian foreign policy but argued that this partnership should not constrain Australia's sovereignty or decision-making. He called for an 'Australia first' approach — particularly relevant amid intensifying US-China rivalry in the Indo-Pacific. As it happens, Albanese is in China this week, stepping up efforts to engage Australia's Asian neighbours. The frustration among allies does not mean they can simply walk away from Washington. All America's partners have enormous stakes in sustaining their economic and technological ties with the US. Even more important, their security challenges would become far more demanding without American guarantees. If Europe must find new ways to defend itself against Russia, Asian allies must devise strategies to cope with Chinese power. America's Eurasian partners will not simply fold their hands — they will search for creative answers. In Europe, France and Britain are discussing better coordination of their nuclear weapons policies, while the EU is accelerating collective defence efforts. In Asia, the challenge is harder. Unlike in Europe, regional institutions remain underdeveloped, and the gap between China's power and that of its neighbours is vast. Yet, the logic of diversification is undeniable. We are already seeing Asian allies doing more with each other and engaging other actors, such as the EU. Some are beginning to reassess their engagement with China. At the same time, the depth of the US relationship is such that preventing a slide into outright rupture remains a top priority for allies in both Asia and Europe. As Macron told the British Parliament, Europe does not want to walk away from the US — but it must 'de-risk' ties by finding new partners and rebuilding its own capacities. India, for its part, is holding its nerve and continuing to engage Washington. As Delhi weighs the consequences of the Trump upheaval for Eurasia and the global order, it is worth recalling that India has managed many strategic surprises before: The Chinese 'betrayal' in 1962, Beijing's embrace of Pakistan, the Sino-Soviet split, the US-China entente in the 1970s, the Soviet collapse in 1991, the rise of a new economic order in the 1990s, and the Russia-China alignment in the 2000s. If external change is inevitable, Delhi's focus must be on managing it rather than bemoaning it. For now, India remains one of the few major US trade partners not yet notified of a new tariff level. Delhi has resumed trade talks with Washington this week and is eager to conclude one of its most ambitious negotiations before the August 1 deadline. But it must be prepared for failure. As Trump might remind us, the golden rule of any negotiation is the will to walk away. The writer is distinguished fellow at the Council for Strategic and Defence Research, Delhi, and contributing editor on international affairs for The Indian Express
