
MSPs alarm over welfare costs as bill to soar to £9 billion
"The committee supports the areas set out in your draft work programme and agrees that the sustainability of public services in their current models are now in doubt and that fundamental change is required. We also share your concerns around the persistent inequalities in areas such as health and poverty," said Mr Leonard.
'We agree with your assessment that 'social security spending is increasingly outstripping Barnett consequentials in Scotland' and that this is a risk to the Scottish Government's financial position.'
READ MORE:
Mr Leonard's letter to Mr Boyle on Monday comes as the fiscal watchdog the Scottish Fiscal Commission forecast that social security spending in Scotland is projected to increase significantly, from £6.8bn in 2025/26 to £9.4bn in 2030/31.
In its report last November, Audit Scotland warned public services were at risk as a result of the Scottish Government's failure to implement meaningful reforms while making a series of multi-billion pound spending commitments.
The spending watchdog accused the administration of not knowing how it will pay for above inflation public sector pay deals or rising welfare costs.
It added that the Scottish Government had set out plans to balance the books in 2024/25 with a one-off raid of up to £460 million on a clean energy fund, but "does not know how this higher spending will be funded in the future".
Meanwhile, spending on welfare has ballooned, owing to policies such as Nicola Sturgeon's Scottish Child Payment which cost £467m in the current financial year.
Mr Boyle told the public audit committee on April 30: "The current context for the Scottish Government and public services in Scotland remains challenging.
"Rising demands together with a constrained financial outlook pose risks to the sustainability of public services in their current form. A clear vision and strong leadership are required to drive the reforms that are needed to ensure the sustainability of services into the future."
He added: "The scale and pace of the public sector reform that is required to support future sustainability have not yet been delivered."
In its latest five-year outlook, published in May, the Scottish Fiscal Commission (SFC) said that while overall funding for the Scottish budget is forecast to grow, much of the increase will be absorbed by the rising cost of devolved welfare benefits, public sector pay settlements, and new policy commitments, such as the permanent scrapping of peak-time rail fares.
The Commission noted that Scotland is forecast to spend £1.3bn more on devolved social security than it receives in UK funding in 2025-26, with that gap widening to around £2.2bn by the end of the forecast period.
A key factor is the Scottish Government's decision to mitigate the two-child limit in Universal Credit, a policy expected to cost £156m in 2026-27 and rise to £199m by 2029-30.
The MSPs' concerns over the rising costs of welfare in Scotland comes after a climbdown by the UK Government on Monday to reform the welfare system.
In a late concession on Tuesday evening, ministers shelved plans to restrict eligibility for the personal independence payment (Pip), with any changes now only coming after a review of the benefit.
The changes, which were made to meet demands from Labour backbenchers, has left Chancellor Rachel Reeves with a £4.5bn gap to fill with tax rises or cuts elsewhere, after the retreat means the package of welfare reforms may end up increasing spending.
Meanwhile, the outlook for the Scottish and UK economies has weakened, with growth now expected to remain sluggish through the rest of 2025, according to the Fraser of Allander Institute at the University of Strathclyde.
The analysis said economic growth is now slowing compared to the start of the year and inflation has also edged up to 3.4%, after staying below 3% throughout 2024.
It added that the business environment is showing signs of strain, with companies reporting cutting back on activities in the first quarter compared to last year, hit by rises in national insurance contributions, which took effect in April, alongside uncertainty surrounding US President Donal Trump's trade tariffs.
Dr Joao Sousa, Deputy Director of the Fraser of Allander Institute, said: 'The fiscal announcements by both governments suggest that there are significant economic challenges in the years and months to come for the UK and Scottish governments.
'Particularly from 2027-28 onwards, the choices of government look to become more difficult. Of course, this is the role of the government in power: but the difficulties of the UK government this week show that events can quickly derail its plans.'
Speaking to journalists in Edinburgh on Wednesday the First Minister vowed he would not replicate the Pip changes in adult disability payment, which is the equivalent benefit north of the border.
John Swinney said: "We will not make the changes or to make the cuts that the UK Government was proposing, we've made that crystal clear."
A Scottish Government spokesperson said: 'Social Security is a vital safety net for families across Scotland and any one of us could need to depend on it at any time.
"Our compassionate approach is based on the values of dignity and respect, and seeks to ensure as many people as possible get the help they are entitled to.
'This approach allows for support that is not available anywhere else in the UK, including the Scottish Child Payment which is keeping 40,000 children out of relative poverty this year. As of 31 March 2025, 326,225 children aged 15 and under were actively benefiting from Scottish Child Payment."
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


South Wales Guardian
21 minutes ago
- South Wales Guardian
‘We will beat Government for second time in court' – Kneecap at largest ever gig
The 45,000-strong crowd in Finsbury Park, London watched them walk on in front of a screen that said 'Israel is committing genocide against the Palestinian people'. They were supporting Irish band Fontaines DC, whose front man Grian Chatten joined to perform their collaboration Better Way To Live. People echoed the Belfast group's chants when they repeated the 'f*** Keir Starmer' and 'you're just a s*** Jeremy Corbyn' comments made at Glastonbury the previous weekend. Liam Og O hAnnaidh, who performs as Mo Chara, appeared at Westminster Magistrates' Court earlier this month charged with a terror offence and will return next month. Fellow member Naoise O Caireallain, who uses the stage name Moglai Bap, said 'if anyone's free on the 20th of August, you wanna go to the court and support Mo Chara' before shouting 'free Mo Chara, free, free Mo Chara'. Wearing a keffiyeh, O hAnnaidh responded: 'I appreciate it, the 20th of August is going to be the second time Kneecap have beat the British Government in court – in their own court, on their own terms, and we're going to beat them for the second time. 'I tell you what, there is nothing like embarrassing the British Government.' Last year Kneecap won a discrimination challenge over a decision by former business secretary Kemi Badenoch to refuse them a £14,250 funding award. The UK Government conceded it was 'unlawful' after the band launched legal action claiming the decision to refuse the grant discriminated against them on grounds of nationality and political opinion. It was agreed that the £14,250 sum would be paid by the Government to the group. During the performance the group intermittently broke off the mosh pits and raucous crowd by addressing the war in Gaza, which is a recurring theme of their shows. O hAnnaidh said: 'It's usually around this point of the gig that we decide to talk about what's happening in Palestine. 'I understand that it's almost inhumane that I'm thinking of new things to say on stage during a genocide, for sound bites. 'It's beyond words now, like, we always used to say obviously they're being bombed from the skies with nowhere to go, but it's beyond that now. 'They've been being starved for a few months on end, and not only that, the areas that they have set up, to collect aid and food, have turned into killing fields and they're killing hundreds a day trying to collect food.' He continued: 'It's beyond words, but again, we played in Plymouth last night to 750 people and we did the same thing, so it doesn't matter how big or small our audience is, Kneecap will always use the platform for talking about this.' O Caireallain had said earlier in the show: 'They can try and silence us, they can try and stop us, but we're not going to stop talking about Palestine – as long as there's a genocide happening in Palestine we're going to keep talking about it and yous are going to keep talking about it, and they can't stop us.' The UN human rights office has recorded 613 killings near humanitarian convoys and at aid distribution points in Gaza run by an Israeli-backed American organisation since it began operations in late May. On Friday its spokeswoman Ravina Shamdasani said the rights office was not able to attribute responsibility for the killings, but 'it is clear that the Israeli military has shelled and shot at Palestinians trying to reach the distribution points' operated by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF). The GHF has denied any serious injuries or deaths on its sites and says shootings outside their immediate vicinity are under the purview of Israel's military. The Israeli military has said previously it fires warning shots to control crowds or at Palestinians who approach its troops.


The Sun
27 minutes ago
- The Sun
Britain must hold Emmanuel Macron's feet firmly to the fire over France's abject failure to stop the boats
Time net closed on Macron's failures BRITAIN must hold Emmanuel Macron's feet firmly to the fire this week over France's abject failure to stop the boats. The president will be accorded all the royal trappings on his state visit, including a carriage ride through Windsor. But he must also account for the tens of millions of pounds we have lavished on France to curb illegal migrant crossings — only to see the numbers surge. We reveal today that President Macron will unveil a new tactic to sabotage the dinghies before they leave French waters for the UK. Under the plans, French border police will ride jet skis alongside migrant boats and drop nets to entangle the engines. It does rely on a hitherto reluctant gendarmerie getting their feet wet. But, after the puncturing of a dinghy last week, France may at last be waking up to its responsibilities. Without a proper deterrent like the scrapped Rwanda scheme, the unscrupulous people-smugglers will always try to get one step ahead of the law. But anything that can turn the tide after years of French foot-dragging must be welcome, and one thing is for sure: The cops patrolling the beaches of Calais won't get anywhere unless they do more than just dip a toe in the water. Give us shelter THE Government's latest nanny state health crackdown is one of its strangest yet. Transport chiefs are to be given powers to fine people for vaping at bus stops, even if they are the only person there. French cops FINALLY drag migrant boat to shore - with BBC crew conveniently filming The move comes hard on the heels of Health Secretary Wes Streeting's threats to punish supermarkets that fail to cut sales of unhealthy food. He has already been forced to back down on plans to ban smoking in pub gardens. There is no doubt vaping is bad for children, who should be protected. But adults must be left to make their own informed choices. Labour must stop dreaming up sixth-form gimmicks that are doomed to go up in fruit-flavoured smoke. PIP squeak That means tribunal judges are overturning thousands of Government rulings that would reduce the taxpayer-funded benefits bill.


The Guardian
35 minutes ago
- The Guardian
‘We promised change but people aren't feeling it yet': Labour rues poor first year
In a stiflingly hot room at a health centre in East London, as he announced the government's 10-year plan for the NHS on Thursday, Keir Starmer was confronted with a brutal assessment of his first year in power. 'You've U-turned on your reforms, your MPs don't trust you, and markets worry that you've lost resolve on fiscal discipline. It's the epitome, isn't it, of sticking-plaster politics and chaos that you promised voters you would end?' a television journalist asked. Initially, Starmer avoided answering the question, but he eventually addressed the fall-out from his government's chaotic handling of its welfare bill. 'I'm not going to pretend the last few days have been easy: they've been tough,' he admitted. 'I'm the sort of person that then wants to reflect on that, to ask myself what do we need to do to ensure we don't get into a situation like that again, and we will go through that process. But I also know … that we will come through it stronger.' The jubilant crowds of flag-waving supporters that greeted the prime minister as he arrived in Downing Street on 5 July 2024, daring to hope for a brighter future after 14 long years under the Conservative party, felt like a very long time ago. Senior members of Starmer's inner circle now quite openly admit that their first year in power has not gone as expected. 'I always knew it would be hard, but I think I was probably quite naive about just how hard it would be,' one said. 'We had a difficult fiscal inheritance and there was this sense in the country that everything was broken. We promised change but people aren't feeling it yet. And they're not in any mood to give us the benefit of the doubt,' a cabinet minister added. Despite all the political misjudgements such as early gloominess over the economy when the country needed to feel hope, unforced errors over issues such as the winter fuel cuts and freebies and a party base unsettled over cuts to international aid and the welfare system, it is too simplistic to suggest that it has all been bad. Decisions to raise the national minimum wage, improve workers' rights, build more affordable housing and cut NHS waiting lists have all been popular. Even more starkly 'Labour' policies such as nationalising the railways, introducing VAT on private schools fees and threatening water firm bosses over sewage have been well received. But the government, slumping behind Nigel Farage's Reform UK in the polls and with Starmer's own personal approval ratings tanking, hasn't got the credit. Labour strategists keep themselves awake at night trying to work out where it went wrong, and what they can do about it. So for all the reflection on the year gone by, the focus has now inevitably turned to what comes next. 'We're only 12 months in: if we can learn not just from what we've got right but also from what has not, then we still have time to get it right,' one No 10 source said. Starmer talks of a decade of national renewal, his assumption being that Labour will win a second term, and that he'll still be at the helm of the party. But not everybody shares that view. Even though the odds are still – despite everything – of Labour being the largest party. Some ministers believe they should focus on the first five years instead, as a way of injecting some urgency. Backbench MPs, many with small majorities and fearful of what the next election could bring, are pushing to make the most of what time they have. They may recoil when asked about a reset, but No 10 political strategists do acknowledge there will be a 'next phase' that allows Starmer to move on from his difficult first year and get the government on to a steadier footing. They believe the prime minister needs a big unifying message that allows him to make ideological arguments – akin to the way Tony Blair used 'modernise'. The theme of the strategy will be 'fairness' – a word that peppered Starmer's speech on the NHS on Thursday, and which they hope they can use in a provocative way and use to pick political battles. 'It's an invitation to make proper arguments,' an aide said. In his autumn conference speech and the run-up to the crucial political test of next May's local elections, Starmer will be able to argue there has been an imbalance in the economy or in previous political priorities that he will now set about to change. At the heart of it, Labour wants to speak to a pervasive feeling in the country that no matter how hard you work, nothing improves, and life gets tougher and tougher. Fairness, they argue, provides a platform to argue that big decisions – choices such as VAT on private schools or workers' rights reforms – were the right things to do. But also small ones such as investments in crumbling local heritage, which has become such a symbol of decline. It was an argument, strategists believe, that could have been made much better, to make the case for cuts to winter fuel and the dysfunctional state of the welfare system. Crucially, aides hope the message will resonate right across the Labour coalition, bringing together progressives to the left of the government and the more socially conservative voters who were the focus of the last election. 'Those people are in many ways often similar in circumstances but very different in values,' one senior strategist said. 'We should be a government for all those people.' But there are some senior Labour figures, including some in cabinet and party grandees, who favour a much more explicit progressivism, to shore up Labour's own voters and take on the right when the Reform hordes are at the gates. They believe that this is much closer to Starmer's own politics and would allow him to speak and act more like himself, addressing a view held inside and outside Westminster that he often comes across as inauthentic. 'He's been dressed up in all sorts of different incarnations, as an insurgent disruptor or the hammer of the civil service, which I don't think he's felt comfortable with,' said one ally. 'I think the reason why he went out of his way to express regret over the immigration speech where he talked about an island of strangers was because it just wasn't him.' On the progressive wing of the party, where Labour is losing more votes, there is frustration about what many perceive to be leaning to the right in response to Reform UK. 'It's the wrong approach. We should acknowledge that people really care about small boats, about housing, about the cost of living, but have our own answers to those problems, not try to ape Reform,' said one senior MP. 'Authenticity is a big problem for Keir. It's much better that he goes out and makes a Labour case for what we want to do for the country.' Some in No 10 believe that it would be disastrous to pivot back to the Labour base, comparing it to Ed Miliband's '35%' strategy that aimed to unite progressives but which ultimately cost Labour the 2015 election. While Starmer is generally praised for his role on the international stage, and has strong relationships with his fellow world leaders – including, perhaps counterintuitively, Donald Trump – the same is not true of the domestic sphere. There is a strong desire within No 10 for Starmer to reconnect with voters at home, to spend more time out in the country with ordinary people, on the campaign trail, with businesses, with industry, in hospitals – and with his own MPs. 'We have got to get him off a fucking plane,' one senior aide said. 'It becomes so easy to not think too much about what is going on at home. It has been at the root of a lot of problems.' The party finds itself at a crossroads. Morgan McSweeney, Starmer's fabled chief of staff, told staff as they entered government that they could govern as insurgents and that power would make them more radical. But the pace of change has been frustratingly slow and some aides believe there must be a serious strategic turn to speed it up. Many government figures compare this moment to the turbulent aftermath of the Hartlepool byelection. Starmer tells friends that he's used to people underestimating him, that it happened back then, too, yet he proved his detractors wrong by sticking to his plan. But others are less generous. 'Nobody knows what he's thinking,' said one senior Labour figure. 'He's delegated political decision-making to Morgan. He needs to get more of a grip.' But while advisers, including McSweeney, often get the blame for the government's woes, ultimately the buck stops with the prime minister. Veterans of Labour's last time in office believe that Starmer needs to articulate a more clearly defined purpose. 'Until and unless people know what the point of this government is … then nothing else will follow,' said one. 'What does Keir actually want? What does he stand for? For all the contradictions with Tony and Gordon, you knew they were driven by ideas. It seized them. What does Keir stand for? Whatever it is, we don't know,' said a senior Labour figure. 'It's all been show not tell. He thinks that if the government delivers gradual material change that will be enough. But it's not. It wasn't for Joe Biden. It won't be for Keir Starmer either,' said one minister. Senior party figures worry that Starmer's reputation for being competent, even if that doesn't include political flair, has taken a battering over the past year, and that he needs to turn that round. 'Everybody thought he was going to be a more professional, competent version of the succession of failed Tories that we had before. But instead many people have got the sense that he's a further instalment of them,' one said. Starmer's allies vehemently reject the suggestion that he can't turn things around. 'A big drum roll and clash of cymbals and fireworks wouldn't work. Keir can win a second term, not by dancing to Nigel Farage's tune, but by doing what Labour governments do in his pragmatic, hard-headed way, trying to make this country better. That seems to me a more authentic place for him, a better place for the government.' But not everybody is as optimistic. 'I just don't know whether he'll pull it off,' one senior figure said. 'Keir is a diligent and thorough person who every day jumps out of bed and thinks what he can do for the country. He goes to bed every night dissatisfied that he's not done enough. But somehow in between those two moments something doesn't quite connect.'