
Reform's ludicrous ‘Britannia Card' is a masterpiece in political manoeuvring
Reform's proposal is deceptively simple: anyone seeking to live in the UK must make an 'entry contribution' of £250,000. This substantial sum, the policy pledges, would then be directly redistributed to the lowest 10% of earners, making 2.5 million people between £600 and £1,000 better off a year, depending on uptake.
This policy capitalises on a surging public appetite for wealth redistribution. Polls indicate that more than three-quarters of Britons, and 69% of Reform voters, believe the rich should be taxed more. The sheer simplicity of taxing new arrivals and directly putting that money into the hands of struggling families creates an easily digestible and highly memorable message. It also tackles a pervasive public cynicism: a distrust of politicians' ability to handle tax revenues. By hypothecating – ring-fencing – these funds directly for the poorest full-time workers, Reform bypasses the common fear that taxes disappear into a black hole of government spending.
This populist appeal is not unique to Farage. Across the Atlantic, New York mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani has gained significant traction with a similar approach: taxing the wealthy to fund free childcare. The lesson is clear: politicians who offer transparent, direct benefits, funded by those perceived to be able to afford it most, capture the public imagination.
Of course, Farage is (annoyingly) a master of political manoeuvring, and the Britannia Card is no exception. While it promises to enrich the poor, it simultaneously offers a subtle tax break to the wealthiest. The proposal would be a significant boon to the global super-rich, because all their overseas income and assets would be exempt from UK taxation for a decade. Labour has been quick to point out that this could lead to a net decrease in tax income overall. But in the age of soundbites, such nuanced economic arguments often fall on deaf ears. The headline is what matters, and the headline here is 'money from the rich, for the poor'.
Labour, meanwhile, seems to have retreated from the very ground that should be its natural habitat. Its reluctance to champion the working class, coupled with plans such as cutting personal independence payments (Pip), is a critical misstep. Governments get re-elected when people feel materially better off. The Biden administration's experience in the US is a stark reminder of this. The Labour leadership has wedded itself to a flawed assumption that aggregate economic growth, if it even materialises, will translate into a felt improvement for the working and middle classes. Labour's plans for increased investment, while needed, will take years to bear fruit. What is it offering to those struggling today?
When I worked directly with progressive governments globally, we found that 'solidarity taxes' – similar in narrative to what Reform is proposing – can be highly effective. Uruguay's tax on the richest during Covid, designed to support the poorest, proved popular due to its transparency and the clear way in which it was communicated. Similar taxes were implemented in Germany during reunification and Japan in the aftermath of the second world war. The key is clarity and directness of purpose.
Any government serious about addressing inequality should focus on taxing wealth. The latest Sunday Times rich list shockingly revealed that just 50 families now possess more wealth than the bottom 50% of the UK population. Much of this wealth, unlike income from work, cannot be solely attributed to 'hard graft', but is down to asset inflation. Crucially, the longstanding myth that millionaires will simply flee the country if taxed more heavily is being debunked. The Tax Justice Network – with Patriotic Millionaires UK and Tax Justice UK – has recently shown that supposed 'millionaire exoduses' are vastly exaggerated, and that tax is a minor factor in migration decisions for the tiny percentage of wealthy individuals who do move.
Labour's current attempts to address wealth inequality, such as changes to inheritance tax for farmland and VAT on private schools, feel piecemeal. Rumours of a reversal on its non-dom tax policies suggest it remains susceptible to elite lobbying, further undermining its progressive credentials. Instead of dancing around the issue, Labour could, for instance, boldly propose a modest 2% annual tax on wealth exceeding £10m, to raise a significant £24bn annually. The crucial step then would be to articulate clearly how this new revenue would be used – perhaps to address the cost-of-living crisis by boosting social security.
Perhaps the most potent lesson Labour can learn from Reform isn't about the specifics of the Britannia Card, but about the art of communication. While Rachel Reeves often speaks in a convoluted beige, Farage paints in bright, clear colours. He understands that political messaging, particularly on economic issues, needs to be immediate, impactful and easily understood. The very naming of the policy is a masterstroke of patriotic populism.
The name also reminds us that we are in dangerous territory. The coupling of anti-immigration rhetoric with populist economic policies is a potent combination. Labour's true test lies not in outmanoeuvring Farage on his own turf, but in offering a courageous and convincing alternative: a clear, compelling narrative of shared prosperity, funded by those who can most afford it, for the benefit of all.
Faiza Shaheen is a distinguished policy fellow at London School of Economics, and the incoming executive director of Tax Justice UK
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The Sun
25 minutes ago
- The Sun
Our political party system is shattering and Britain could soon become ungovernable
Days before the 2015 General Election, then Prime Minister David Cameron tweeted: 'Britain faces a simple and inescapable choice - stability and strong Government with me, or chaos with Ed Miliband.' Given the decade since: six Prime Ministers, four elections, Brexit gridlock, a pandemic, a cost-of-living crisis, partygate and the mini-budget, many rightly wonder: if that was stability, how bad could chaos have been? 3 But at the time, Cameron's pitch worked, partly because many Brits feared Labour might end up governing in a three-party combo with the Lib Dems and SNP, with the late former Scottish First Minister, Alex Salmond calling the shots. Unlike our neighbours on the Continent, we aren't used to coalitions and dislike the idea of smaller parties potentially holding the Government to ransom. Fast forward to 2025 and it looks like Brits might have to get used to coalitions. Our political map has been reshaped. Fewer than half the public now describe themselves as strong supporters of any one party. The days of being 'a Labour family' or voting for 'anything with a blue rosette' are over. Voters are now far more promiscuous, shopping around to see what they like best. 3 As recently as 2017, the two main parties took over 80 per cent of the vote. That plummeted to 57 per cent in last year's election, a post-war low and our polling suggests it's fallen further still since - just 43 per cent now say they'd vote Labour or Tory. Instead, voters are turning to new emerging parties on the right and left. Last year's General Election was the first time post-war that more than three parties each won over ten per cent of the vote, and more than four won over five per cent. Why is this happening? More in Common's latest report Shattered Britain delves into what's behind our growing fragmentation. Simply put - it finds the old dividing lines of left and right no longer cut it. New political fault lines are emerging. These include whether we can fix a country many feel is broken by improving our institutions or, as 38 per cent think, we need to 'burn them all down'; whether the answers to our problems are common sense or complex; whether diversity strengthens or erodes British identity; and crucially whether we trust mainstream news or prefer independent voices online. Just as our politics is fragmenting, so too is where we get our information with a knock on effect on politics, reducing the stranglehold the big two parties have in communicating with the public. 3 None of these divides map neatly onto our existing political landscape and our First Past the Post system is struggling to cope as these new fault lines scatter Britons votes across multiple parties. More in Common's latest MRP - a model for projecting what the next Parliament might look like, helps to show how this might all play out: it suggests an election tomorrow could deliver a political map we've never seen before. Reform UK would come first on 290 seats, Labour trailing on 126, Tories barely third on 81, the Liberal Democrats snapping at their heels on 73. With 325 seats needed for a majority, the likeliest outcome would be a Reform UK–Tory coalition. But how comfortable would the Conservatives be as junior partners to Farage's Party, given the bad blood between them? Even those headline numbers hide more turbulence beneath the surface. Nearly 100 seats could be won on under 30 per cent of the vote and small shifts could flip many of them. Sixteen- and seventeen-year-olds, voting for the first time at the next election, will make up just two to three per cent of the electorate, but in tight races, that could make all the difference. 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But can we really imagine Nigel Farage and Kemi Badenoch in bed together - after they have spent five years at each other's throats? The alternative is a rainbow coalition of Labour, the Lib Dems, SNP, Greens, and Plaid Cymru. That's a dizzying mix. I doubt a government stuffed with so many different political personalities and policies would last five minutes - let alone five years. The result would surely be another snap election and yet more political turmoil? The next general election is still four years away and much can happen in that time. One thing is clear - voters are desperate for Britain to break out of its current quagmire. They want politicians who can actually get things done and aren't held to hostage by their backbenchers. It's why they gave Boris Johnson a majority to get Brexit done - and took it off him again when the Tories sank into civil war. It's why they handed Keir Starmer a landslide - then sent his poll ratings tumbling when he failed to come up with a big package of reforms. If the polls stay the same then it looks like Britain is heading for more political turbulence and a coalition. But who knows? Voters may decide to gamble big and hand Nigel Farage a majority next time. I wouldn't bet against it.


The Sun
25 minutes ago
- The Sun
Charming English town is getting new £42million train station that will reopen key link shut for over 60 years
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The Guardian
43 minutes ago
- The Guardian
Labour should allow debate about racism
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