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Parliament to summon MacG after comments about Minnie Dlamini

Parliament to summon MacG after comments about Minnie Dlamini

The Citizen03-05-2025
Should the Podcast and chill host fail to appear, he may be liable to a fine or to imprisonment for a period not exceeding 12 months or to both the fine and imprisonment.
Macgyver Mukwevho, popularly known as MacG is set to be summoned to appear before Parliament's Portfolio Committee on Women, Youth and Persons with Disabilities for his comments about Minnie Dlamini.
Should the Podcast and chill host fail to appear, he may be liable to a fine or to imprisonment for a period not exceeding 12 months or to both the fine and imprisonment.
In the recent episode discussing Dlamini's relationship break-up, MacG made distasteful comments about her [Dlamini]'s private part.
'Bro, I'm telling you, man. There's got to be something wrong with her; maybe her coochie smells or something. You know this happens, man, it happens, especially with the hot girls,' said MacG.
Letsike, said MacG's comments were nauseating in their vulgarity and must be regarded as an unconstitutional violation of Dlamini's rights to freedom and security of the person, equality, and human dignity as enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa.
The deputy minister considers the comments to constitute online gender- based violence.
According to the National Strategic Plan on Gender-Based Violence and Femicide (NSP on GBVF), this type of violence is 'any act of gender-based violence against a woman that is committed, assisted or aggravated in part or fully by the use of Information and Communications Technology (ICT), such as mobile phones and smartphones, the internet, social media platforms or email, against a woman because she is a woman, or affects women disproportionately'.
ALSO READ: Minnie Dlamini breaks silence following controversial MacG comments
'There is no room in our democratic Republic for any misogynistic and demeaning utterances that perpetuate patriarchal iterations of gender relations.
'We are encouraged that within the ranks of South African society, we have persons who are sober in mind to call out abhorrent tendencies that are a distraction from achieving gender equality,' she added.
Letsike note and appreciate the stance Moja Love channel took regarding MacG's comments. However, they call on the channel to act swiftly to ensure consequences for the utterances they have publicly castigated.
'The chronic trend will cease only as there are tangible ramifications on the hosts of the podcast, and all other content aired by the Moja Love channel that perpetuates GBVF, whether sexual, physical, financial, emotional and/or online.'
Actions to be taken
Letsike said MacG's comments will be referred to the relevant Constitutional and statutory bodies for investigation including but not limited to the Commission for Gender Equality (CGE), the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC), and the Broadcasting Complaints Commission of South Africa (BCCSA), among others
MacG will be referred to Parliament's Portfolio Committee on Women, Youth and Persons with Disabilities to summon Mr Mukwevho to appear before the committee and account in line with Section 56 of the Constitution.
'Should Mr Mukwevho fail without sufficient cause to appear before the committee, processes to implement section 17 (1)(c)(ii) of the Act must be engaged and Mr Mukwevho may be liable to a fine or to imprisonment for a period not exceeding 12 months or to both the fine and imprisonment.'
ALSO READ: 'Disgusting!' – Nkosazana Daughter slams MacG's claim about Master KG relationship
Criminal case
The deputy minister also explained that legal counsel on a possible criminal case of crimen injuria with the South African Police Service (Saps) will be explored, and as it may be legally plausible.
'As the Deputy Minister responsible for Women, a long-time advocate for gender equality, and a woman myself, I find Mr Mukwevho's comments reprehensible. This incident is not a harmless joke or casual banter – it is a harrowing demonstration of online gender-based violence.
'Women cannot be reduced to vulgar slurs and the objectification of the female body as this is a damaging reinforcement of gender- based disrespect and consequently violence.'
NOW READ: MacG says his partnership with MultiChoice is 'a natural evolution' despite it being criticised as a lazy move by the broadcaster [VIDEO]
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He was brilliant. In 1944, he was one of the first students to earn a bursary to attend Tiger Kloof Secondary School. He became a teacher and the first headmaster of Kanye Secondary School — now Seepapitso Senior Secondary School — from 1950 to 1955. Though he put himself wholeheartedly into everything he did it was farming that was the love of his heart. In 1957, he was the first Motswana to be awarded a Master Farmer's Certificate. His other interest was journalism and became the editor of Naledi ya Batswana newspaper. It was as a journalist he later met Seretse Khama. The year 1958 was a significant year. That was the year Masire married Gladys Olebile Molefi on 2 January. Born in Modimola near Mafikeng, after graduating from Tiger Kloof, she became a teacher at Mafikeng and later Kanye. A woman of substance, she was God fearing, kind, humble, compassionate and hardworking. Years later as first lady she was a gracious Mother of the Nation. She was Masire's pillar, always caring and supportive of him. Lady Masire dedicated herself to several charities that focused on the plight of disadvantaged and marginalised children, unemployed and delinquent youth and women's empowerment. They were a splendid couple and their marriage was blessed with six children. In August 1960, Sir John Maud, the high commissioner on a familiarisation visit of Beuchanaland, was at the Serowe kgotla. Masire, as a photo-journalist, covered the event for his paper. He took Seretse's picture in the kgotla and then cheekily walked up to him to ask his permission after the fact. Seretse was immensely amused by this cheekiness and a lifelong friendship was born. It was in 1961 that Masire literally stumbled into politics. He was in Lobatse to cover a public meeting of the newly formed Bechuanaland People's Party (BPP). Masire, who had an interest in public affairs, was curious about the new political party. At the end of the meeting he was not impressed and thought: 'If these are the kinds of people who are going to lead our country, we are in trouble.' Towards the end of 1961, Seretse Khama, who shared the same sentiments, proposed the formation of a new party, the Bechuanaland Democratic Party (BDP). Masire resolved that if he could be of any use to the nation, then he needed to participate in politics. Masire knew Seretse as a democrat through and through who believed strongly that the nation resides in the people, and not in any individual. The two worked well together. It was a complementary partnership that flourished on Seretse's vision and charisma and Masire's energy, analytical brilliance and organisational ability. They were candid and honest with each other, and both had a lively sense of humour. They were born leaders. Both believed in the need to move people from thinking about their tribes as their separate communities to thinking about the whole nation as their community. Both believed that in any society they needed to be a balance between the interests of individuals and those of the larger community. Both believed that individuals should be given the freedom to come up with the best they were capable of. The cardinal principle on which the Botswana Democratic Party was founded was a non-negotiable article of faith that the founders and other leaders subscribed to: 'The party only matters to the extent that it can meet the needs of the nation; otherwise there is no need for it. If it ceases to meet the needs of the country, then it should cease to exist.' This is ageless wisdom applicable to all political parties in the world. In adherence to this article of faith Seretse and Masire crafted a short document in 1962 that outlined in broad-brush terms, the direction which the party would take. The document on 'Aims and Objectives' became the 'Four National Principles'. It highlighted what mattered, namely, to establish a nation that exemplified non-racialism, one united nation, fundamental human rights, a reformed and democratic local government which were then all missing in Bechuanaland. The 'Four National Principles' gave clarity as to what Botswana wanted, and from observing other countries, what to avoid. In his memoirs Masire wrote that the BDP was built by trial and error. 'No one came with a dogma to be followed. We shared stories, and we learned from each other and from the people we consulted. The party grew organically, and it was very encouraging to see it happen. This was the fundamental difference between us as a party and the People's Party and its subsequent mutations. They fed their followers with slogans and dogmas picked up from elsewhere. They thought they could just tell people any cock-and-bull story, and the people would accept it. 'Our experience was that ordinary people wanted to be given reasons. We did our best to show them why we were thinking and acting the way we were. As we prepared for moving to self-rule and then independence, our biggest fear was that we would lack unity, and that each tribe might think of itself as a separate entity. We feared if we went the way of some other states we would be in for serious trouble. This is why we laid emphasis on finding all the things that would unite us, and trying to avoid all the things that would divide us. 'Our Four Principles — democracy, development, unity and self-reliance — addressed the things that really worried us during the formative years before independence. We knew we needed both to adhere to our principles, and to fight against anything that would threaten them.' This was the vision that ushered in Botswana's independence on 30 September 1966. At independence Botswana was among the poorest countries in the world and surrounded by racist minority regimes in South West Africa (Namibia), Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and South Africa. Economic experts gazing in their crystal balls saw Botswana doomed to poverty and surviving forever on international aid. Sir Seretse Khama and Sir Ketumile Masire would often remind their colleagues that when they asked for independence, they were told that they were 'either very brave, or very foolish'. Masire was to use this phrase as the title of his memoirs: Very Brave or Very Foolish? Memoirs of an African Democrat. The economic experts' advice was taken with a pinch of salt as Botswana proved them spectacularly wrong. As Botswana's first vice-president and minister of finance and development planning, Masire initiated various initiatives to rescue Botswana from the category of the third most impoverished nation in the world, which, in 1966, had an annual per-capita income of about $60. The initiatives included channelling foreign aid, loans and mining revenues into developing educational, health, power, transport, and communications infrastructure while encouraging small-scale services and industries and promoting commercial agriculture. The success of Masire's development portfolio earned him kudos domestically and internationally. In 1980 Botswana's first president, Sir Seretse Khama died. The nation mourned, grievously bereft of a great leader it had been fortunate to have at the time of its greatest need. Masire had lost both a great friend and political collaborator who was closer to him than anybody before or after. They were a good team. Their close cooperation on all aspects of politics and government for 20 years was an important factor in achieving Botswana's successes. In mourning, Masire graciously ascended to the presidency. His presidency commenced at a time the liberation fight against apartheid was intensifying and black South African liberation fighters of the ANC began to infiltrate South Africa by crossing the borders of Botswana, Zimbabwe and Mozambique. South Africa, in retaliation, attacked these countries. Botswana found herself in a dilemma as she could not break links with South Africa for economic reasons so she banned the ANC military wing from operating in the country, but allowed young men and women to enter who were fleeing South Africa to become ANC freedom fighters. With the discovery of diamonds in Botswana the government was pragmatic in making a deal with the South African gold and diamond giant, De Beers. The deal provided the government with substantial revenues from diamonds, which were used for the benefit of the people in services such as education and health. During the HIV/Aids crisis the country funded its own programme at a huge expense while other African countries relied on international aid. The deal with De Beers gradually evolved because president Masire's cautious and tenacious style convinced De Beers to build a sorting house in Gaborone where the diamonds were graded before being sent to De Beers in London. He also demanded that Batswana be trained in sorting and evaluating diamonds. Masire transformed Botswana by anchoring her development in Tswana values. For example, the Tswana practice of consulting people was essential in progressing developmental policies. In 1991 he received an honorary knighthood of the Grand Cross of Saint Michael and Saint George from Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II. After 37 years in public life president Masire retired in 1998. In those years Botswana's circumstances had changed significantly from what the economic experts foresaw. From 1966 to 1998 Botswana achieved the world's highest annual economic growth rate of any country in the world. In the words of Masire, 'We built and sustained a multi-party democracy; the vast majority of our people enjoyed improved health, education, and increased incomes and employment opportunities; and we managed our way through a dangerous security situation created by our neighbours.' Transparency International rated Botswana as having one of the lowest levels of corruption in Africa, indeed lower than many European countries. Botswana had active and vocal opposition parties because C believed strongly that, 'In a democratic system, parties that are in opposition to the government of the day have an important role to play. If opposition parties are strong and full of ideas, they sharpen the wits of the governing party and keep it on its toes. If the opposition parties are weak or lacking in ideas about alternative policies, they weaken both the country and the ruling party.' Botswana also developed a vigorous and independent press. And Botswana achieved a reputation for principled positions and leadership in regional affairs, especially during the long struggle to liberate Southern Africa from colonialism and racist white minority regimes. Masire was one of the founders of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). All this did not happen by chance; it was the result of prudent leadership which brought about Botswana's successes. This prudent leadership was succinctly summed up by the Motswana politician and diplomat Dr Gaositwe Chiepe, in one word: 'Teamwork.' Masire agreed that it summed up their approach very well. 'The times we were most successful were when we worked together, both as politicians and with civil servants. Our success could not have been achieved had we not found able people, convinced them to enter politics or the public service, and encouraged and enabled them to work productively with one another. Our failures came at those times when we lost the commitment to teamwork, consultation, consensus and cooperation.' After leaving office, Masire divided his time between his passion for farming and as a global statesman in conflict resolution. He often worked through his Sir Ketumile Masire Foundation. In 1998 he was appointed by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) to chair an International Panel of Eminent Personalities which investigated the circumstances of the 1994 Rwandan genocide. A 300-page report on the Rwanda genocide was produced which concluded that it was preventable. Individuals and governments were culpable. After finalising the Rwanda report Masire was appointed to facilitate the Inter-Congolese Dialogue, 2000-03, with the objective of bringing about a new political dispensation for the Democratic Republic of the Congo. This appointment illustrated his great, inimitable leadership. Dr Salim Salim, the secretary general of the OAU, told him the Congolese parties were looking for possible candidates to be a facilitator. The three principal belligerents had to agree, and they had rejected 11 other individuals but all agreed on Masire. Drawing on his long experience as leader of Botswana, he knew he needed to understand all the issues, so each party would feel its concerns were being addressed. A great deal of patience was required and this he had aplenty. Throughout his three years and three months working on the Inter-Congolese dialogue, Masire tried to keep everyone involved and informed — whether they were inside or outside. He wanted to be sure that those outside exercised influence for good where they could, and also that they did not give the wrong signals that would encourage the belligerents or other parties to be too stubborn. The dialogue gave the Congolese their first opportunity to come together to frame a future for their country. They had never been through a democratic process of consultation, and Masire had to start at the very beginning. He pressed them to achieve what he believed they could. At one stage one of the participants asked Masire how he could be certain that if they agreed to the proposals, the other sides would also agree. Masire told them what he always told aspiring politicians in Botswana: there is always a risk in politics in a democratic setup. If you are afraid to take a risk, you cannot be a politician. He said it was reasonable to assume that if others saw one party was accommodating, as was true of some of the participants, then those others would also begin to be accommodating. The closing ceremony and the signing of the Inter-Congolese dialogue took place on 2 April 2003 in Sun City, South Africa. But its implementation was difficult. Periodic fighting continued, and a constitution was not adopted until early in 2006. As we celebrate his centennial birthday we remember Sir Ketumile Masire with immense joy and pride as a man who was positively animated with life. He reflected as St Irenaeus said 'the glory of God in humanity fully alive'. We remember his sterling leadership ingrained in his love of God and humanity. We remember 'a man for all seasons', a teacher, farmer, journalist, politician, peacemaker and family man. On a personal note, a great friend, mentor and father-in-law. We remember a man who was inspired and guided by good values that transformed Botswana from an impoverished country to a middle income nation, testament to his prudent leadership. We remember an unassuming leader who deserves to be remembered as one of the greatest African pioneers of post-colonial history. He personified the values of botho, or ubuntu, which promotes the value of a person's interconnectedness with their community. That is what makes a person truly great. We remember a wise mediator in various conflicts as illustrated in investigating the causes of the genocide in Rwanda, and working towards peace in the bloody conflicts of eastern DRC. He was a towering peacemaker in our world who laid the foundation of peace in the DRC on which the Congolese must build and preserve. He was also the SADC mediator for Lesotho. Sir Ketumile was a respected voice and model leader for peace and good governance on the African continent and beyond. He truly was a great man and may his memory be a blessing to us. We remember Sir Ketumile Quett Joni Masire, a man blessed by God with faith, moral courage, compassion, tolerance, kindness, intelligence, integrity and decency. These are attributes our world needs in today's leaders to resolve the challenges we face. The Right Reverend Dr Musonda Trevor Selwyn Mwamba (formerly Bishop of Botswana) is the president of the United National Independence Party (UNIP), Zambia.

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