
Powering trade and economic prosperity through data free flow
MALAYSIA is helming the Asean chairmanship this year, marking a significant milestone for the nation, with a clear opportunity to chart shared prosperity for the bloc. In light of geopolitical tensions and tariff uncertainties globally, fostering stronger partnerships in this environment would pay dividends in continuing to lift regional economies.
One way to tackle both objectives is by facilitating trade – perhaps not in the traditional sense of import and export of goods as most would think, but instead through cross border data flows, which is increasingly the invisible lifeblood of economies in the region and beyond.
The upside of open data flows is compelling – the OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) indicates global GDP can expand by 1.77% and exports by 3.6% if open data flow is adopted around the world. The catch? To get there requires clarity and collaboration across borders.
When considering the free flow of data, a common misconception is that it comes at the expense of data sovereignty and security. In practice, this is not the case. The Covid-19 pandemic disruption to global supply chains offers a pertinent case-in-point: interconnectivity, be it of goods or data, drives growth.
It is possible to advocate for data free flow while also having regard to data privacy, security, and intellectual property concerns.
At its core, data security is dependent on how data is maintained and not the location where it is stored. This highlights the importance of governments in establishing robust privacy and data security regulations as well as appropriate infrastructure to ensure responsible use of data.
It is possible to advocate for data free flow while also having regard for data privacy, security, and intellectual property concerns, says Cen.
Another arena is around trade agreements – which have historically helped facilitate collaboration and boost economies of nations involved. Digital trade has overtaken traditional trade in economic value for more than a decade now, highlighting the growing need for trade policy to include guidance on robust treatment, security, and sharing of cross-border data.
Regulatory progress notwithstanding, advocating for data free flow should continue to be a priority for markets throughout the region, including Malaysia, who stands to benefit. This opportunity comes down to trust and collaboration between states – including their respective governments, regulators, and businesses.
The good news is that we're seeing the region chart progress in this respect, particularly with Asean's new Digital Economy Framework Agreement (Defa) currently under negotiation. The Defa's mandate is to create an open, secure, and inclusive digital economy of tomorrow for the nearly 680 million people in South-East Asia, and cross border data flow is a critical element in achieving this ambitious goal. With the right checks and balances, it is possible to establish data free flow with trust that can establish greater openness that powers markets and, ultimately, creates greater prosperity for the greater good.
The digital economy is projected to reach US$16.5 trillion (RM70.6 trillion) and capture 17% of global GDP by 2028. South-East Asia is best positioned to capitalise on this growth with one of the world's highest mobile penetration rates at 136%, and with its digital economy projected to double to US$2 trillion (RM8.6 trillion) by 2030. Markets and venture capital already see the unique opportunity here: digital economy-related investments make up 71% of deals in Asean – 10% higher than the global average. The situation on the ground in Malaysia is equally promising, with investor confidence, innovation and a strong ecosystem pushing digital investments by 125% to RM29.47bil in the second quarter of 2025. All the signs are that the digital economy will facilitate the next wave of prosperity for the region – and the ways in which data is shared and managed have an outsized impact in shaping that wave.
Malaysia has a unique opportunity to drive the data agenda that simultaneously benefits the country and the wider region. It can make its mark as Asean Chair by advocating for cross-border data flows on behalf of the bloc. — Bloomberg
Kelvin Cen is the Head of South-East Asia at Bloomberg. He oversees 11 markets across the region, driving strategy and business development and strengthening the firm's key client relationships in the region. In his 14-year career with Bloomberg, Cen has held several leadership roles, including co-leading the APAC Corporations and Commodities business and, most recently, serving as the COO for Asia Pacific. The views expressed here are solely the writer's own.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


New Straits Times
2 hours ago
- New Straits Times
NST Leader: Agrofood sector set for major reforms under 13MP
THE 13th Malaysia Plan (13MP) has big ideas for the agrofood sector. High time, we say. It has been treated as a stepchild since the country transitioned to manufacturing in the 1980s. That should change by 2030, when the 13MP reforms the sector, leading to RM58 billion in value creation. Self-sufficiency rates are also being scaled up to 80 per cent for rice, 98 per cent for fisheries, 83 per cent for fruits, 79 per cent for vegetables, 140 per cent for poultry, 123 per cent for eggs and 50 per cent for beef and buffalo meat. Ambitious? Yes, given that the Agriculture and Food Security Ministry has to hit the targets within five years, on top of resolving numerous issues plaguing the agrofood sector. Surely, an unenviable task. Land is a big ticket item, with most of what is available being devoted to industrial crops such as oil palm and rubber, because they are more profitable. In 2020, 7.6 million hectares of arable land was used for agriculture, of which 5.2 million was dedicated to industrial crops. Little wonder, our Asean neighbours' agrofood products are everywhere. Former director of Malaysian Agricultural Research and Development Institute, Rozhan Abu Dardak, provides another reason why this is so in his article published in the Food and Fertilizer Technology Centre Agricultural Policy Platform website on April 14: Vietnam dedicated 33 million hectares for rice cultivation. Thailand 9.2 million hectares, Indonesia 10.6 million hectares and the Philippines 5.6 million hectares. What about Malaysia? Of the 996,950ha dedicated to the agrofood sector, only 373,383ha is being used to cultivate rice. The rest is used for growing fruits, other food crops and vegetables, the last, a measly 64,220ha to work on. If that is not enough, the agrofood sector has to compete with industries and housing for land. More land for agrofood should certainly be a reform to aim for. There is one reality our policymakers often miss. Malaysia is a land of small things. Like the small and medium enterprises (SMEs) that dominate the country's economy, so do small-scale farms. According to Rozhan, more than 90 per cent of Malaysian farmers own small plots of land, averaging 2.5ha per person. Logically, bigger means better yields. But that doesn't mean technology can't be made to work on small plots to increase yields. Like we have learnt to live with SMEs, we must learn to live with small-scale farms. What the agrofood sector reform should focus on are the farms themselves: the what and how of the trade. The skyrocketing prices of farm inputs, too, are making farming a challenging vocation. Farmers need help. Providing subsidies to those who deserve it is one way. The 13MP's move to incentivise young agroentrepreneurs takes the reform to a good place. We are a nation of old farmers, most of whom are in their 60s. At that age, farming is a struggle. Malaysians will be keeping a keen eye on the agrofood sector reforms, because what happens in the farms will determine whether or not we have home-grown food on the table.


New Straits Times
2 hours ago
- New Straits Times
Trump's 'America First' may fuel global currency shift
EUROPE and Asia could leverage United States President Donald Trump's "America First" strategy for their own benefit, eventually spurring the development of regional tripolar foreign exchange (forex) blocs that could erode the dominance of the US dollar and reshape global markets. The US dollar has struggled this year, especially since Trump's April 2 tariff announcement. While the currency jumped recently following the announcement of US-European Union trade deal, this short-term move doesn't change the long-term trends that could undermine the greenback's position. Economic dominance in the future could largely depend on access to affordable, efficient energy to power artificial intelligence technologies. And in the race to dominate the industries of the future, the US is arguably going in reverse. It's retreating from the renewables space, as seen in the administration's recent move to eliminate many clean energy subsidies. The president appears to be making the bet that the US can maintain energy dominance indefinitely by relying on its own fossil fuel resources. This could ultimately result in uncompetitive power costs in the future, given that China is already dominating in clean energy technologies like solar and electric vehicles. While Trump may be seeking to enhance American self-sufficiency, the administration's policies may actually be increasing the country's dependency on foreign capital. Trump's recently passed budget bill — which looks pretty ugly to fiscal watchdogs despite its name — could cement the US' position as the world's biggest capital importer by adding an expected US$3.4 trillion to the US deficit over the next decade, according to estimates by the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office, potentially locking in six to seven per cent budget deficits for years. The US has also been running current account deficits of roughly four per cent over the past several years, and this widened to six per cent of gross domestic product in the first quarter, according to the US Bureau of Economic Analysis. By spending beyond its means and running these twin deficits, the US will continue to require large amounts of foreign capital inflows. But this capital may soon be harder to come by, if Europe and Asia seek to keep more of it closer to home. While Europe has agreed to increase US energy purchases through the recently announced US trade deal, much of that agreement remains up in the air. Meanwhile, Asia has begun to trade more internally, as China has been focusing on export diversification. A growing regionalisation of supply chains began during the Covid-19 pandemic and appears to be accelerating as Trump seeks to drive production back to the US and all major global powers focus on securing regional raw material access (e.g., rare earths and other critical minerals) for national security purposes. This shift could eventually create the foundation for true regional forex blocs across Asia, Europe and the Americas. Within Asia, Pan Gongsheng, governor of the People's Bank of China, has recently highlighted China's interest in having the yuan play a larger role in a multi-polar currency world. While China's capital account remains closed, Asian currencies already primarily trade off the yuan rather than the US dollar. Even though China faces challenges, such as its fight against deflation, its efforts on this front — namely, boosting consumption and reining in excess supply, especially in the renewable energy space across solar, wind and batteries — could ultimately help attract more foreign capital by boosting China's growth profile and corporate earnings. In a world of currency blocs, Europe and Asia could emerge as potential winners, as they erode the US' position as the world's financial powerhouse. So while many investors may get lost in the short-term currency noise, it might be wise to instead focus on the long-term signal.


Free Malaysia Today
3 hours ago
- Free Malaysia Today
Creating Anwar's legacy — ending ‘gomenshud'
One of the most common Malaysian words I hear is 'gomenshud'. This is used whenever an issue of concern arises and the 'government should' do something about it rather than the private sector or, heaven-forfend, that individuals should fix it for themselves. It is ironic that people complain of incompetence, systemic corruption and moral turpitude within the executive, legislature, judiciary and the permanent civil service at federal and state levels but still demand that more money, responsibility and interference opportunities should be handed to them. The economics of government and policy design, called 'public choice theory' tells us clearly that people in government are not driven by the 'greater good' or the 'public interest', they are, just like the rest of us, driven by personal and collective self-interest. This is not meant to be cynical or offensive but simply to help us understand those in public policy as human beings — they have hopes and dreams, they want to make life easy for themselves as far as possible and if there is a chance to make a few bucks they will take it. Each year the auditor-general reports hundreds of millions lost in wastage and leakages across the government sector. The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) estimates RM277 billion lost to corruption between 2018 and 2023. The think tank Emir Research estimates that RM4.5 trillion was lost to corruption in the last 26 years. This is all identified after the fact and to stop this haemorrhage of resources we need to address the 'gomenshud mentality' which defaults to intervention from the start without proper evaluation of the costs and benefits and the likely losses due specifically to policy design. A common form of policy design in Malaysia is the 'patronage cascade' where projects, concessions and access routes to money are specifically built-in to benefit middlemen often through pre-allocated packages and contracts. With this in mind, the 13th Malaysia Plan which will be tabled this week should reduce the role and interference of government. We should be cautious if we see 'patronage cascades' where policies are specifically designed to pass projects to vested interests. Instead, broad-based universal programmes, available to everyone, with open and transparent access routes should be the emphasis. This can be achieved first by government exiting commercial activities which crowd out large businesses, SMEs and micro enterprises and leaving these activities to the private sector. Second by slashing regulations and focusing only on minimum standards of health and safety, anti-corruption, good governance and anti-trust issues. Finally, by focusing on the basic role of government in many areas where there are direct and legitimate concerns for public policy including public health, education and social protection. Economic mechanisms we hope to see in the 13MP include liberalisation of markets, reducing regulatory burdens, limiting government interference and promoting creative, innovative, agile, competitive businesses. The US tariff issue also sends us a lesson that protectionist policies come with a reciprocal cost. So removing restrictions to market access should also be a priority for the 13MP. Proper independent assessments have rarely been made of the targets of previous Malaysia plans and many have not been delivered, fully or at all. The main unfulfilled target of every Malaysia plan is to build in a mechanism to end the need for future plans. In other words, these are 'forever wars' against dreamed up economic challenges more typical of centrally planned economies. They are increasingly irrelevant in a modern technology-driven economic environment in which anything laid down in July 2025 will be obsolete by December 2025 let alone by 2030 — gomenshud recognise this and end it once and for all. The views expressed are the writer's own and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.