
Letters to the Editor: Mussel farm will destroy Kinsale area
The licensed site actually spans 25 hectares, equivalent to 21 GAA pitches or 38 soccer/rugby pitches, in Kinsale harbour adjoining the Dock Beach.
The licence permits seeding the seabed with mussel seeds to harvest 200 tonnes annually via dredging.
This is equivalent to 45m mussels at various growth stages in the harbour at any one time.
The volume of biological waste produced from this is staggering.
Mussel farms require moderate water currents to carry away waste, yet this proposal assumes there will be no accumulation of organic matter beyond the site.
In truth, waste will be swept onto Dock Beach on incoming tides, and pollute the entire harbour on outgoing tides — a space vital for commercial and recreational use.
No environmental impact statement was required or submitted.
The ministers declared there would be 'no significant impact on the marine environment' — disregarding nearly 1,000 public objections submitted in 2019.
Not one objector received acknowledgement or consultation since 2019.
Now, those same concerned citizens must pay €150 to appeal this illogical decision to the Aquaculture Licences Appeals Board, as people struggle with the rising cost of living.
This process has been completely non-democratic.
Sheila Cramer, Evelyn O'Riordan, and Nuala Wright protesting at the Dock Beach. Picture: Eddie O'Hare
That is why more than 3,000 people have signed a petition, with hundreds joining peaceful demonstrations locally to voice their opposition.
A public meeting at the Temperance Hall saw such overwhelming attendance that many were left outside.
Local workers in tourism, hospitality, marine leisure, and fishing voiced genuine fears for their livelihoods compared to the six low-skilled jobs promised by the applicant.
The ministers claim the development 'should have a positive effect on the local economy', yet they never consulted local businesses or residents. Had they done so, they would have heard deep and widespread opposition.
This letter only scratches the surface of the legitimate concerns felt by the people of Kinsale and beyond.
The decision to approve this mussel farm threatens irreversible damage to one of Ireland's most beautiful harbours, providing physical and mental recreation to thousands of citizens and visitors annually.
Ministers Heydon and Dooley may show little regard for the people of Kinsale, or for the environment, but we care deeply — we will not stand by
in silence as our harbour is sacrificed for one man's financial gain.
Ray Cummins, Donal Hayes, and Michael O'Shea
Kinsale, Co Cork
Peace, not arms
The Seville Declarations clearly showed that Ireland was regarded as having ratified the Nice Treaty on the basis that Ireland had the triple lock.
The triple lock, according to Micheál Martin, was 'a core element', and at 'the very heart and soul' of Ireland's neutrality policy.
To remove the triple lock and replace it with the phrase in accordance with 'the principles of the United Nations charter' is unacceptable.
Under ReArm Europe, the EU is proposing to spend €700bn on arms.
We are experiencing an artificially hyped-up fear over a supposed imminent Russian invasion; where is the evidence that Russia plans to invade other countries?
In contrast to 'ReArm Europe', why not have an EU agency devoted to understanding conflict and to mediate in conflict areas? Ireland could take the lead, having a constitutional imperative (Article 29.2) to do so.
Elizabeth Cullen
Kilcullen, Co Kildare
Policies pushing up the cost of our food
Consumers across Europe are asking why food prices have surged so dramatically in recent years.
As a farm advocacy group, the Beef Plan Movement, with a purchasing arm as a key part of our organisation sees firsthand how rising production costs, driven by farm inputs and green policies, are pushing prices upward.
External shocks, like the war in Ukraine, sent fertiliser costs spiralling, at one point, prices skyrocketed by 300% in just 12 months.
Fuel and labour expenses have also climbed sharply.
But beyond these global factors, another major driver of inflation is the growing influence of the green agenda in Europe.
Over the past few years, environmental lobby groups have gained disproportionate power over government policy.
Their influence extends through well-funded NGOs that push for stricter regulations —many of which increase costs for farmers without meaningful environmental benefits.
Measures like low-emission slurry spreading, reduced stocking rates, and rewilding farmland may sound progressive, but they shrink production and drive up food prices.
Until now, farmers have absorbed these added costs.
But with thousands exiting the industry, Ireland's suckler herd alone has declined by more than 150,000 cattle in five years.
This is no longer sustainable.
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If consumers don't share the burden of these policies, there may soon be too few farmers left to feed the population.
The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) was established in 1962 with the dual objectives of boosting food production in Europe and maintaining fair prices for both consumers and producers.
However, in recent years, the rise of the green movement has shifted CAP's focus — decoupling subsidies from food production and redirecting funds toward environmental initiatives.
This shift has accelerated significantly, with an increasing share of the budget now allocated to a complex system of fund administration.
The growing emphasis on bureaucratic processes and reducing production has had clear consequences: declining food output and upward pressure on food prices, contributing to inflation in the agricultural sector.
For decades, consumers have been shielded from the true cost of food production.
Many retailers have engaged in aggressive pricing strategies such as selling meat and dairy below cost to gain market share, pushing the financial burden onto farmers.
As a result, countless farming operations have relied on subsidies just to break even.
Many retailers have engaged in aggressive pricing strategies such as selling meat and dairy below cost to gain market share, pushing the financial burden onto farmers.
To put this into perspective: In 1980, households spent 28% of their income on food, by 2016 that figure had dropped to just 15%, despite overall inflation.
While recent food price hikes have made headlines, they are insignificant compared to the stagnant prices farmers have endured for the past 30 years.
Worse still, current emissions targets fail to account for the science of biogenic methane, which, due to its cyclical nature, does not contribute to additional warming when herd sizes remain stable.
Yet this fact is drowned out by activists who seem to prefer weeds over food production.
The Government's so-called Just Transition policy exemplifies this disconnect.
Its goal is to 'upskill' farmers and push them out of agriculture, as if food production requires no expertise.
In reality, farming demands a vast skillset: Veterinary knowledge, machinery repair, financial management, crop science, and adaptability to extreme weather.
On a planet facing climate instability, generational farming experience should be valued, not discarded.
As green policies tighten their grip on Europe, higher food prices will become the norm.
Rather than making farmers redundant, consumers and policymakers should recognise their vital role because without them, who will put food on our tables.
John Moloney
Vice chairman, Beef Plan Movement
Testing times
Plaudits to Michael Moynihan for his ordinary level Leaving Cert, quite challenging questions in his column this week: 'It's time for a new Leaving cert subject — Cork Studies' ( Irish Examiner, June 19).
I became quite teary-eyed at the site of the neglected busman's hut, as I'm sure the Taoiseach would, given his father's connection.
One wonders if the hut could be re-commissioned in exchange for the Eircom 'duplex' unit that remains in all its glory on St Patrick St (adjacent to the former BPI building) — the latter offering a hint of je ne sais quoi encapsulating a hybrid of Cork's best urinary and vomitus traditions, and, of course, telephonic infrastructure.
Regarding its functionality (former lexicon word 'function'), could one humbly propose Mr Moynihan's aforementioned ladies' lavatory?
Sean Seartan
Thurles, Co Tipperary
Outlaw ageism
Gareth O'Callaghan hit the proverbial nail on the head when he ascribed the ongoing problem of abuse in nursing homes to endemic ageism: 'Ageism is the last permitted prejudice — that's why the nursing home scandals continue' ( Irish Examiner, June 14).
As he said, it's the last remaining prejudice and the most stubborn.
Like him, I felt like screaming at the radio as I heard the usual promises, kneejerk expressions of outrage and the covid excuse ('This all started in the pandemic...' No, it didn't; remember Leas Cross?)
Before this latest scandal has the chance to slip into the mists of time, we need to tackle the root of the problem — ageism — and make it a hate crime to treat people with disrespect due to old age.
Ageism isn't just insulting, hurtful and demeaning — ageism imprisons people whose only crime is to live long, it removes their basic human rights, it tortures them — and ageism kills.
Geraldine Comiskey
Shankill, Co Dublin
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Letters to the Editor: All I wanted to do was build a modest home on a modest patch of land left to me by my grandmother
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Irish Times
28-07-2025
- Irish Times
Michelle O'Neill: ‘The British state killed local people. Those moments contribute to who you are'
As Michelle O'Neill walks in her home village of Clonoe, east Co Tyrone , there is not a person she passes who does not say hello or a driver who fails to wave from a passing car. O'Neill greets them all in return. Eventually, The Irish Times inquires as to whether she has adopted her own special wave like Queen Elizabeth II's ? 'They do tease me about that,' she says with a laugh. Clonoe is where the First Minister of Northern Ireland and Sinn Féin vice-president spent her formative years and where she still lives. As O'Neill shows us around, it is evident how her family, her village and her community have shaped the person she is and the politician she has become. READ MORE 'I'm Michelle who's from this area. There's no airs and graces, but sure, this is my home. This is where I feel comfortable.' At the heart of this staunchly republican village is Clonoe O'Rahillys GAA club with modern pitches and a redeveloped clubhouse, which also houses the community centre. A plaque commemorates its official opening by the then MP for the area and O'Neill's 'mentor', Martin McGuinness , in November 1998. Michelle O'Neill standing by the pitch at Clonoe O'Rahillys GAA club near where she grew up in Co Tyrone. Photograph: Alan Betson Was she here that day? 'Absolutely.' She was 'a young mummy, my child was four … it was, 1998, the Good Friday Agreement , such a moment of hope and opportunity for people, and the club being opened captured, in a very local way, that new beginning and that new hope'. Outside, she shows off the Gaelscoil, the village's business park and her favourite walking route along the canal path. 'This is part of my mindfulness, my relaxation, keeping myself right, going out walking with friends … get a bit of head space to talk about things that aren't in the political sphere,' she says. 'Because we're all human at the end of the day, even those of us in politics, so I like that – I need that, actually, to keep doing what I'm doing.' She was born in Fermoy, Co Cork , in 1977. The family returned to nearby Coalisland when O'Neill was a baby, then to her father's homeplace of Clonoe to a new row of bungalows her father helped build and where her mother, Kathleen, still lives. In 1968, discrimination in the allocation of housing in east Tyrone helped spark the first civil rights march, from Coalisland to Dungannon. 'When we got the opportunity to move, my mummy didn't believe my daddy, actually. She said to Daddy, 'Brendan, we're not the kind of people who can buy a home' and he said, 'Yes, we can'.' O'Neill speaks warmly of a 'good family life' with 'strong role models around us', including her mother who gave up work so Michelle could go back to school after she became pregnant at 16. O'Neill has spoken previously about how she was prayed over by some at her Catholic grammar school, how she sat her GCSEs a few days after giving birth and then the 'huge fuss' made about her returning for A-levels. Michelle O'Neill: 'Partition failed my community, failed every community across the island.' Photograph: Alan Betson 'It was difficult,' she says, but also says 'I suppose it does make you more resilient' just as 'being a young mummy shapes who you are, being responsible for this beautiful little being and wanting the world to be better for her'. From an early age, O'Neill was aware she 'grew up in a family, in a society, in a community that was discriminated against, that was treated with inequality on a day-to-day basis'. There was 'a lot of loss in the community, many moments when the British state killed local lads, local people, local people that weren't much older than me … all those moments contribute to shaping who you are'. Among them was her cousin, Tony Doris, one of three members of the IRA's East Tyrone Brigade who were on 'active service' when they were shot dead in a SAS ambush in nearby Coagh in 1991. O'Neill was 14. 'It was horrendous for his immediate family, obviously, and all these things have lasting impacts, and that's the same for every family that lost. My experience, unfortunately, was felt by far too many people.' O'Neill's father, Brendan Doris, was an IRA prisoner and local councillor. 'He was such a community activist. He was a man who was very much wedded to his community, and I liked what he did. I liked how he helped people. So I suppose, maybe it was always organic that I would go down the route that I took in terms of going into politics.' Even then, her goal was 'Irish unity. I think partition failed my community, failed every community across the island', she says. 'But I'm somebody who was gifted the Good Friday Agreement in 1998. I had just turned 21 and that gave me that precious gift of peace. 'It made me determined that I am going to go out and I'm going to work this because this is a democratic pathway towards the unification of this island and I am going to grab it. That's really been my journey ever since.' O'Neill joined Sinn Féin in her early teens. In 1998 she officially started working for the party. She was elected a councillor in 2005, then to Stormont in 2007. Michelle O'Neill with fellow Sinn Féin politicians Francis Molloy, left, and Martin McGuinness following their election in 2007. Photograph: Eric Luke A former minister for agriculture and then health, in 2017 she replaced McGuinness when he stood down as deputy first minister. Last year, she became First Minister, making history as the first nationalist to do so. As she walked down the grand staircase into the Great Hall at Parliament Buildings and then into the Chamber, she allowed herself a smile. 'There's no doubt it was a moment of pride, personal pride, pride for my community, for my family,' she says. 'I suppose I felt the weight of the moment of history on my shoulders, I felt the expectation on my shoulders, but that in itself is a motivator. 'You know you have to go out and give it your 100 per cent and I hope that's what people can see. I give it my 100 per cent every day.' O'Neill's maiden speech, delivered shortly afterwards, was about setting the tone for her term. She promised to be a 'First Minister for all' and 'inclusive and respectful' of everyone regardless of background or identity. 'I've fulfilled that pledge,' she says. She lists examples, including her attendance at Queen Elizabeth II's funeral and King Charles III's coronation, a PSNI graduation and the official Remembrance Sunday ceremony in Belfast last November. Michelle O'Neill shakes hands with Liz Truss, left, then British prime minister, in September 2022 during at a service for the late Queen Elizabeth II at St Anne's Cathedral, Belfast. Photograph: Liam McBurney/Getty Was this difficult, given her own experience? 'Personally, given the experience of my community at the hands of the British state, then, yes, from that perspective it is. 'But is it the right thing to do to try and reconcile the people on this island? Yes, it is. 'So, for me, that outweighs any personal feeling.' But equally she says: 'I go to republican commemorations because that's who I am. I've never shied away from that. I don't distance myself from that.' Can she understand why this is difficult for many, particularly those who lost loved-ones to the IRA? 'I do think about it,' she says. 'I understand there are many people out there that have a different narrative than me and I respect that that's their view. It's also perhaps their lived experience, but mine's different.' But, she says, part of reconciling is 'actually understanding that it's okay – we may have different narratives, but we need to respect that is actually the case. 'That understanding is what allows me to say what I can say – what I said whenever I became First Minister – because I absolutely am sorry that anybody lost a loved one. I'm so sorry we lived in a society that [had] a conflict. 'But the job of leadership of 2025, the job of leadership since the Good Friday Agreement, all of my life's work, is about building on what was achieved then [in 1998] and continuing to drive us into the next 25 years.' For O'Neill, this means a united Ireland. She stands by Sinn Féin's aim of a Border poll by 2030, but is 'less fixated on a date' for unity, 'more interested in that the actual planning and preparation is done and that we get it right'. She says: 'The Irish Government really, really need to treat this with urgency … give people the tools in which to make an informed decision.' How is this to be achieved, given that neither the Irish nor the British government – which must ultimately call the poll – have given any indication they intend to do so in the near future? 'Well, governments say many things … then they're forced to take a position just because of the public demand for it. We will continue to make the case,' O'Neill says, arguing that even her own election as First Minister 'speaks to the change that's happening around us' and, coupled with potential of elections ahead, 'all these things can become the tipping point for Irish unity'. She believes there are 'many people' – including unionists – 'open to being persuaded … and they'll be convinced because it's in their best interests. The argument to be made is that there is something better for all of us.' UK prime minister Keir Starmer will not, she says, have 'the luxury of burying his head in the sand and ignoring the call for constitutional change'. In the meantime, as the joint head – with the Deputy First Minister, the DUP's Emma Little-Pengelly – of the four-party Northern Executive, there is much work to be done. Deputy First Minister Emma Little-Pengelly and First Minister Michelle O'Neill speak to the media last February after Stormont ministers agreed a programme for government. Photograph: Liam McBurney/PA 'Emma and I are completely different characters, completely different backgrounds, completely different outlook, but also very understanding of the fact that we have to work together to try and lead the Executive.' Challenges facing Stormont include the crisis in the health service, the worst waiting lists on these islands, and a lack of funding almost across the board. Often, the public perception is that little practical is achieved amid much political point-scoring. 'There are lots of things we work on together and there are differences, but you have to manage those things. That's just the nature of it.' O'Neill is critical of the 'lack of leadership in political unionism, particularly when it comes to issues of bonfires' and its 'faux outrage at times around particular issues'. 'The constant attacks on the GAA tell people who support the GAA and people from an Irish national identity that they're not welcome in this place. Political unionism would need to think about that.' But O'Neill defends the Executive's record: 'We're 18 months in … we have a programme for government, the first in over a decade. We've prioritised health waiting lists and we've put finances in that direction. We've been able to deal with public sector pay.' She also cites 'a whole new economic strategy … advances on childcare, advances on a strategy to end violence against women and girls'. On two major infrastructure projects, the rebuilding of Casement Park and the upgrade of the A5, she says they will be built. 'I've said they'll be built on my watch. I will stand over that.' There is also the matter of the Irish presidential election. O'Neill bats away the names of any potential candidate – Mary Lou McDonald , Gerry Adams , her own – with the same response. Sinn Féin president Mary Lou McDonald with Gerry Adams and party vice-president Michelle O'Neill during a pro-unity group event in Belfast. Photograph: Brian Lawless/PA 'The party is still deliberating. We're actively having conversations. We've seen others enter into the field and we'll make our position known very shortly.' Will McDonald lead Sinn Féin into the next general election? 'Absolutely,' she says. Is O'Neill a future leader of her party? 'Well, there's no vacant position,' she says with a laugh. One day? 'I also love being vice-president … and working alongside Mary Lou. She's described me before as her wing woman. That's very much who I am.' The role of First Minister 'is my priority, and that's where I need to be focused … I'm more than content with where I am'.


The Irish Sun
27-07-2025
- The Irish Sun
‘Sad to see him go' – GAA fans emotional seeing Michael D Higgins attend last men's All-Ireland final as President
GAA fans felt a twinge of sadness at Michael D Higgins conducting his presidential duties for the last time before a men's All-Ireland final. Viewers nationwide reacted to him being escorted out to shake the hand of every starting player 2 He was accompanied onto the Croke Park pitch by GAA President Jarlath Burns Credit: @TheSundayGame 2 Captain Gavin White was outstanding from start to finish for Kerry The 84-year-old has served in the role since 2011 so he's become part of the furniture on big sporting occasions such as All-Ireland final matchdays. Whomever succeeds him in November will have big shoes to fill in spite of his diminutive stature. The former Labour TD's enjoyed widespread popularity despite being arguably the most outspoken President in the history of the state. The broad sense that he's been an excellent representative for the country on the national and international stage was reflected in the replies to RTE clipping his last walk-out before a men's decider. Read More On GAA Aón labelled him: "A national treasure." Similarly, Karen hailed: "Sorry to see him go. A great President of Ireland." Rosemary added: "Brilliant President, he has represented our country brilliantly." Lastly, another Karen commented: "Well done true great president Michael D Higgins great president of Ireland. "A true leader he was and we will sadly miss him as he steps down. Our Irish president well done for everything you've done for our country." His last men's showpiece was the first one played under the new rules that have revitalised Gaelic football as a spectacle across the 2025 inter-county season. Most read in GAA Football The full-time scoreline demonstrated that this another match where attacking play was encouraged and allowed to flourish as the Kingdom It was the FIFTH time manager Jack O'Connor has led his county to the promised land. Cork hurlers catch strays during Jack O'Connor's triumphant RTE interview after Kerry outclass Donegal Afterwards he gave a passionate interview reflecting on their year as a whole - and inadvertently The 64-year-old branded it a "tough ole year" as he cited But the veteran boss noted that he sensed a good feeling off his players throughout the morning in the lead-up to He also pinpointed CORK CALL-OUT It was when recalling something he said during the interval that the inadvertent jibe at O'Connor said bluntly: "I think that two-pointer was a massive score by David. That was a massive fill-up at half-time to put us up by seven. "Then we said to each other in the dressing room that what happened to Cork last weekend wasn't going to happen to us. "We were going to come out and play and try to win the second half. And we did win the second half by three points so overall two good halves." O'Connor's was the only eye-catching post-match interview either as a pumped-up Paudie Clifford


Extra.ie
26-07-2025
- Extra.ie
SImon Harris to push for national day of solidarity for Gaza
Táiniste Simon Harris has stated he will work to make a national day of protest for Gaza a reality. The claim was made in response to a letter written by a Mr. Michael Cush which was published in Thursdays Irish Times. The letter stated that the Irish government has been strong in its condemnation of Israel's actions in Gaza, but that the government and the people of Ireland are growing frustrated as they feel 'helpless' to prevent the ongoing conflict. Táiniste Simon Harris says he will talk to his colleagues about how to make a national day of protest for Gaza a reality. Pic: Olivier Hoslet/EPA-EFE/REX/Shutterstock Taking to Instagram on Saturday, Simon Harris said: 'The people of Ireland stand with the people of Palestine. We stand for human rights, for international law, for a two state solution, for aid to flow, for hostages to be released. We stand for peace. We stand for an end to genocide'. Michael Cush had also said in his open letter to the newspaper that 'If the Government were to call a national day of protest, the turnout would likely be enormous' Today, Simon Harris posted the letter on his social media, alongside a statement endorsing the suggestion made by Michael Cush. The letter stated that the Irish government has been strong in its condemnation of Israel's actions in Gaza, but that the government and the people of Ireland are growing frustrated as they feel 'helpless' to prevent the ongoing conflict. Pic: by Moiz Salhi/Anadolu via Getty Images He went on to add: 'The suggestion for a national day or moment of solidarity made by Michael Cush in the letter above is sensible and a good idea. 'It could be powerful if many countries did it together. I will now talk to colleagues on how to make this happen.' The Irish government has been one of the few within Europe that have labelled Israel's actions in Gaza as 'genocide', while internationally the world looks on as the humanitarian crisis in Gaza worsens, and the population face the very real threat of starvation as the war continues. The claim was made in response to a letter written by a Mr. Michael Cush which was published in Thursdays Irish Leah Farrell/ Earlier this month, Tánaiste Simon Harris said 'careful consideration' was given to a number of visa applications from a group of Palestinians, adding that the granting of a visa was a 'very important legal document.' The GAA Palestine group were set to arrive in Ireland later in July for a GAA tour. The group of 47 people included 33 children between the ages of nine and 16 years old. Ahead of the visit, The Journal revealed that the visa applications for the group had been refused by the Irish Immigration Service due to 'insufficient documentation.' 152 families in Ireland had signed up to host the group when the were due to arrive on July 18. Tour organisers admitted they were 'devastated' following the ruling, adding that they had included the required information such as detailed itineraries and financial arrangements. In an official statement released on Instagram the following week, GAA Palestine announced that their planned summer trip to Ireland cannot proceed as it is no longer possible to acquire visas and depart on time.