
Not feasible for Singapore to avoid net‑zero; all options to cut energy emissions on table
Fluctuations in the prices of fossil fuels due to geopolitical conflicts have driven up energy prices. Dealing with the impacts of climate change, such as rising sea levels, is also critical for Singapore, he said.
'Energy is existential for us, just like water was existential in the 90s,' said Dr Tan in his first formal interview as Minister-in-charge of Energy and Science & Technology on July 21.
The portfolio sits under the Ministry of Trade and Industry, and was created in the latest round of Cabinet changes in May. Dr Tan was previously Second Minister for Trade and Industry, and he continues to helm the Manpower Ministry in the new Cabinet.
Prime Minister Lawrence Wong had said that science and technology are key drivers of growth, while energy – especially clean energy – will be an important part of his Government's agenda.
Singapore now relies on natural gas, a fossil fuel, for about 95 per cent of its energy needs.
The Republic's goal is to reach net-zero emissions – where the total amount of emissions is balanced by activities to reduce the amount of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere – by 2050.
Achieving this would require the energy sector, which makes up about 40 per cent of the nation's total emissions, to cut its emissions.
Dr Tan said Singapore is exploring all possible options in its energy transition to ensure its energy needs are met in a sustainable, resilient and cost-effective way.
'Nothing is off the table. We will explore every single pathway, every single possibility, and... make sure it is cost-effective and sustainable,' he said.
During the 90-minute interview, Dr Tan fielded a range of questions about Singapore's energy future, from developments in the Asean power grid, to the country's exploration of nuclear and geothermal energy, and the role of emerging technologies such as carbon capture and storage.
He acknowledged that Singapore's energy transition will result in higher costs, and said the Government will provide support to help people cope.
For example, utility rebates such as the U-Save rebates help households to offset utility expenses, while climate vouchers are meant to encourage them to switch to green appliances. Meanwhile, he said the Government will work with businesses such as through energy efficiency grants to help them manage this impact.
'It is not going to be possible for the cost to not go up,' Dr Tan said. 'But what we will endeavour to do is to manage that gradient... and supplement it with rebates, with grants to help our local population, our households and businesses.'
Dr Tan said that in the near term, renewable energy imports hold the most promise for Singapore.
The Republic has limited access to renewable energy resources, so importing clean electricity generated elsewhere can help.
In 2024, Singapore raised its low-carbon electricity import target from four gigawatts (GW) to six GW by 2035. This is expected to make up around a third of the country's energy needs by 2035.
Dr Tan said there is a possibility to increase the target beyond this, depending on partnerships.
The Asean power grid – which will allow countries to share renewable energy resources – is also gaining traction, with a growing number of bilateral discussions on the issue.
For example, Singapore and Indonesia in June inked three key agreements to strengthen cooperation in clean energy and sustainable development, including agreements on cross-border electricity trade.
A regional grid is a win-win for countries importing and exporting renewable energy, Dr Tan noted.
It will not only help Asean achieve its net-zero ambitions earlier, he said, but also bring about economic growth to the countries. 'Given the vast amount of potential that is within Asean itself, you could unlock significant economic opportunities,' he added.
A US-Singapore study on energy connectivity in South-East Asia had assessed that building the Asean power grid can generate US$2 billion (S$2.6 billion) annually in research and development, and create as many as 9,000 jobs a year.
Asked if the breakdown of multilateralism around the world helped to focus attention on the importance of the regional grid, Dr Tan said: 'I think that in a way, we've all been encouraged as a result of all of the recent developments.'
He added: 'I don't think there's any one major particular push. It's a whole series of nudges. I think the tariffs could also be one of those reminders to encourage all of us to come together and work even more closely as one united Asean.'
Dr Tan said the other pathways that Singapore is exploring – such as the use of carbon capture technologies, the potential of hydrogen as a clean fuel, or tapping nuclear energy – are 'still some distance away'.
'So I think in the foreseeable next five years, you will see a lot of work on renewable energy imports, and at the same time, still natural gas, and how to decarbonise natural gas.'
Calling his new portfolio a 'redesignation' since he had also overseen energy issues as Second Minister for Trade and Industry, Dr Tan said the new title will help him up the ante in international partnerships.
'It allows a more seamless coordination across the different government agencies within Singapore and also at the same time, when we negotiate internationally,' he said, noting that many countries have dedicated energy ministers.
Dr Tan said that while progress on the Asean grid has been made, challenges remain. These include logistical issues like the need to upgrade existing infrastructure to transfer energy.
This is where Singapore could step in to provide investments, such as initial funding to crowd in more capital for cross-border energy projects.
For example, the Government has appointed Singapore Energy Interconnections, a newly incorporated government-linked company, to specialise in developing cross-border power infrastructure.
Singapore's S$10 billion Future Energy Fund – set up to catalyse investments in clean energy technology that may involve high upfront costs and significant commercial, technological and geopolitical risks – could also provide initial funding.
But to attract other sources of capital, such as from the private sector, government-to-government frameworks will be needed to give investors greater certainty, said Dr Tan.
That would improve the 'bankability' of such projects, he said. 'I think it will attract significant investments, both from public capital, private capital, and even longer-term philanthropic capital.'
Going forward, Dr Tan said natural gas will likely remain a core pillar in Singapore's energy mix.
But its share will change depending on the development of technologies.
'A good position for Singapore is that by the mid-2040s, natural gas will be around just slightly below 50 per cent of our mix,' he said. - The Straits Times/ANN
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The Star
3 hours ago
- The Star
Asean's parallel diplomacy on Myanmar: Creativity sans coordination
AT the 58th Asean Foreign Ministers' Meeting on July 9, the regional bloc reiterated its commitment to the Five-Point Consensus (5PC) as the central political reference for addressing the deepening crisis in Myanmar, which was also stated in the 2025 Asean Leaders' Statement on a Ceasefire in Myanmar Extended and Expanded. Yet more than four years since the military coup, with escalating violence, deepening displacement and widespread human rights violations, one must ask: How effective has this approach truly been? What has become increasingly clear is the growing disconnect between Asean's rhetoric and its actions. Far from being a roadmap to peace, the 5PC has become a diplomatic placeholder, invoked ritually in communiqués yet divorced from realities on the ground. What has emerged in its place is a fragmented and contradictory set of responses has emerged, exposing Asean to what is described as the trap of "parallel diplomacy". This trap reveals both institutional stagnation and growing division among Asean member states. Rather than forging a cohesive and principled regional strategy, Asean has allowed individual member states to pursue uncoordinated and improvised national initiatives. These fragmented actions, often detached from Asean's formal mechanisms, have bred confusion, diluted collective pressure on the junta and eroded public confidence in the bloc's credibility. Parallel diplomacy, by nature, is not inherently flawed. Informal channels, Track 1.5 dialogues and backchannel negotiations can play crucial roles in complex conflict contexts. However, when these efforts unfold without coordination or a shared strategic vision, they risk undermining peace building efforts. Fragmented diplomacy, in such a case, becomes a symptom of disunity, not a strategy for flexibility. Thailand's approach to the Myanmar crisis exemplifies the consequences of this incoherence. Often operating outside Asean frameworks, Thailand has spearheaded what has come to be known as the 'Bangkok Process', a series of direct engagements with Myanmar's military regime. This began with then-foreign minister Don Pramudwinai's visit to Naypyidaw in 2021 and continued with the appointment of a Thai special envoy to Myanmar. Several informal consultations followed, including meetings involving the junta and its closest allies. In December 2022, Thailand hosted a closed-door meeting that included junta representatives and the foreign ministers of Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam. Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Singapore boycotted the meeting, citing their commitment to the 5PC and objected to the junta's inclusion. Similar meetings followed in June 2023 and December 2024, often framed around humanitarian engagement. The latter was attended by ministers from Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand and Singapore, with the rest sending lower-level delegates. These moves signalled improvisation over unity, diplomacy over strategy. Indonesia as Asean chair in 2023, meanwhile, held consultations with over 145 stakeholders, including resistance groups, by September that year. These engagements evolved into an informal Joint Coordination Body known as the "Jakarta Club", which remains active today. The January 2025 Asean Foreign Ministers' Retreat further highlighted the region's growing fragmentation over Myanmar. The Philippines proposed a new political framework, while Vietnam called for the inclusion of ethnic armed organisations in future dialogue. These diverging positions do not signal healthy pluralism, they reflect deepening strategic incoherence within Asean. In April, Malaysia initiated direct engagement with the National Unity Government Myanmar's civilian-led opposition. However, diplomatic courtesies and technical cooperation with the junta continue in parallel, lending de facto legitimacy to the military regime while reducing pro-democracy actors to symbolic participants. The emergence of multiple informal mechanisms, such as Indonesia's Jakarta Club, Thailand's Bangkok Process and Malaysia's dual-track diplomacy, reflects both innovation and disarray in Asean's approach. These ad-hoc efforts, in the absence of a unified strategy, illustrate Asean's drift: engaging both the junta and the opposition without a coherent political roadmap risks perpetuating stalemate rather than resolving the crisis. Part of this incoherence stems from Asean's institutional structure. The rotating nature of the Special Envoy, changing with each Asean Chair, undermines continuity and long-term strategy. Compounding this, minister-level envoy is no longer on the table. While some of these adjustments are framed as strategic, they also reflect the bloc's limited political will and uneven commitment to addressing the crisis. Another structural flaw lies in Asean's lack of a clear, enforceable mechanism to address unconstitutional changes of government. This institutional gap not only enables impunity but makes the bloc complicit in democratic backsliding. Without the courage to confront member states that violate core democratic norms, the bloc merely adds strain to its already fragile regionalism project. Another disunity has been revealed in member states' responses to Myanmar's planned 2025 elections, to be held later this year. Malaysia and Singapore have rightly questioned the vote's legitimacy, while Thailand remains neutral and Cambodia has even offered to send observers. These divergent positions highlight Asean's chronic inability to speak with one voice on fundamental democratic principles, undermining its credibility and emboldening authoritarian actors within and beyond Myanmar. Asean stands at a critical juncture shaped by crisis, centrality and conscience. This photo taken on December 10, 2023 shows members of the Mandalay People's Defense Forces (MDY-PDF) heading to the frontline amid clashes with the Myanmar military in northern Shan State. Myanmar's junta ended the country's state of emergency on July 31, 2025, ramping up preparations for a December election being boycotted by opposition groups and criticised by international monitors. — AFP The humanitarian catastrophe in Myanmar, marked by mass killings, displacement and aid blockades, has spilled across borders, fuelling instability and transnational crime. Some advocate for using all diplomatic tools, including parallel tracks, but innovation without principled leadership and a unified strategy risks becoming a smokescreen for inaction rather than a path to peace. The true test of Asean's centrality is no longer its ability to speak in uniformity, but to harmonise many voices without losing the plot. Centrality must mean more than procedural prominence, it must signal strategic coherence and moral leadership. The Myanmar crisis has revealed troubling signs of institutional drift, and unless corrected, Asean's foundational claims to unity and purpose will ring increasingly empty. Above all, Asean must summon moral clarity. Leading with conscience means naming the perpetrators, supporting the victims and rejecting impunity masquerading as diplomacy. — The Jakarta Post/ANN Yuyun Wahyuningrum is executive director of Asean Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR).


The Star
3 hours ago
- The Star
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The Star
4 hours ago
- The Star
Thailand agrees to Malaysia, US and China observers for GBC meeting in Kuala Lumpur
Japan's Ambassador to Thailand Otaka Masato reacts next to a woman, injured from an artillery shell that struck a 7-Eleven convenience store and gas station on July 24, which also resulted in multiple fatalities, as foreign military attaches from major powers and Asean member countries and diplomats from 23 countries inspect the site, following a ceasefire between Cambodia and Thailand, in Sisaket province, Thailand, August 1, 2025. -- REUTERS/Chalinee Thirasupa BANGKOK (Bernama): Thailand has agreed to the inclusion of representatives from Malaysia, this year's Asean Chair, alongside the United States and China as observers at the upcoming General Border Committee (GBC) meeting, set to take place in Kuala Lumpur next week. Acting Defence Minister General Natthapon Nakpanich welcomed the consensus on holding the extraordinary GBC meeting in Malaysia from August 4 to 7, expressing appreciation for the collaborative effort. "It is my pleasure to confirm that Thailand accepts the proposal to include representatives from Malaysia, as the ASEAN Chair, US and China, who have been providing assistance since July 28, as observers to the GBC meeting,' he said in a statement. He added that the participation of observers from Malaysia, the United States, and China is scheduled to take place on August 7. Natthapon also expressed his sincere appreciation to all parties involved in making the preparations possible, particularly to the Malaysian side for its excellent coordination in arranging this important meeting. Last Thursday, Thailand's Defence Ministry proposed that the upcoming GBC meeting be held on neutral ground, suggesting Malaysia as the venue, and recommended that it run from Aug 4 to 7 to allow sufficient time for comprehensive discussions. Conflict at the Thai-Cambodian border began with a brief skirmish on May 28 and escalated into armed clashes on July 24. On Monday, Thailand and Cambodia agreed to an immediate and unconditional ceasefire following a special meeting hosted in Putrajaya by Malaysian Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, the current Asean Chair. - Bernama