
Kilmar Abrego Garcia could be released from custody Wednesday
Kilmar Abrego Garcia, 29, was deported to a prison in El Salvador in March and was brought back to the U.S. to face charges of human smuggling following a Tennessee traffic stop. He's accused of conspiring to bring undocumented migrants to the U.S. from around 2016 to 2025.
The charges stem from a traffic stop by the Tennessee Highway Patrol in Putnam County in 2022. Body camera video shows officers discussing among themselves their suspicions of human smuggling before letting Abrego Garcia go free. He was not charged with any offense at the traffic stop before he was deported in March and returned on June 6.
Click here for previous coverage on Kilmar Abrego Garcia.
On Wednesday, prosecutors are expected to have a homeland security agent provide testimony about the traffic stop. The judge is expected to then rule on whether Abrego Garcia should be released while he awaits trial.
Immigration officials have said they would immediately detain him and begin deportation proceedings.
A federal judge in Maryland scolded the Trump administration Friday for its refusal to detail its deportation plans for Abrego Garcia, including where the government plans to send him and whether he'll get a chance to fight his expulsion.
The administration argues Abrego Garcia is a danger to the community and can be deported before his trial to a country other than El Salvador. An U.S. immigration official said Thursday Mexico and South Sudan could be willing to accept him.
Abrego Garcia has reportedly lived and worked in Maryland for more than a decade, working construction and raising a family. His American wife is suing the administration over his wrongful deportation in Maryland.
The hearing is expected to begin at 1 p.m.

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Indianapolis Star
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- Indianapolis Star
Mike Pence has a message for Donald Trump about Jeffrey Epstein: 'Release all the files'
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2 hours ago
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Time Magazine
2 hours ago
- Time Magazine
The Dark History That Predates Trump's 'Alligator Alcatraz'
The Florida immigrant detention center dubbed 'Alligator Alcatraz' is less than a month old, but it is raising serious moral questions about our nation's treatment of immigrants. President Donald Trump, Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, and their supporters are celebrating the brutality of the 3,000-bed detention facility that was hastily built in the Florida Everglades, one of the harshest natural environments in the United States. Trump joked about the dangers of the swamp, the Florida GOP is selling hats and t-shirts bearing the facility's name, and one of the president's advisors implied that all U.S. Latinos should be fed to alligators. Sources have reported instances of overflowing toilets, lack of medical care or sufficient food, and worms in the meals to the Associated Press. Such conditions have led detainees to stage a hunger strike. Congressman Maxwell Frost (D-Fla.) toured the facility and reported seeing 32 people crowded into single cages in the Everglades' heat and humidity. After he toured the facility, Frost said he was troubled by the presence of private security. 'The whole thing is run by private companies,' he said. As alarming as this situation is, the toxic brew of brutal incarceration, migrant abuse, and private interests has a deep, dark history in Florida. A century ago, in the 1920s, news of the violent death of a young man in a Florida swamp revealed a brutal convict labor system in the state. Law enforcement officers would arrest young men, usually Black but also white, on spurious charges and lease them to private companies for profit. When this system was revealed, the scandal shocked the nation. In the words of one reformer, Amos Pinchot, the story put the 'state on trial before American public opinion.' This controversy began in 1921, when Martin Tabert of North Dakota was arrested on a Florida train for not having a ticket. The 21-year-old was a vagrant traveler with little money. When he couldn't afford to pay the $25 fine, he was taken into custody by the county sheriff. Tabert was one of thousands of new arrivals during Florida's land boom. In the late 19th century, developers such as Henry Flagler began draining swampland to construct railroads, towns, and hotels to draw tourists and settlers to the state. Miami, which had just over 500 registered voters when it was founded in 1896, grew to 30,000 residents by 1920. Fifty to 75 train cars full of eager visitors rolled into the city daily. In the first few years of the 1920s, 13 new counties sprang up. Read More: Florida's 'Alligator Alcatraz' Detention Center Sparks Major Concern as Construction Begins: 'An Obscene Human Rights Violation' Real estate agents reaped handsome profits from the skyrocketing value of Florida real estate. Tabert, however, was pulled into the grim underside of Florida's rapid expansion. After his arrest, the sheriff ordered Tabert to the Putnam Lumber Company to serve 90 days of hard labor. Soon, young Tabert was working waist-deep in swamp water alongside other convicts. A few weeks later, his family in North Dakota received a letter from the Putnam Lumber Company. It informed them of his illness and subsequent death. Initially, the family believed the letter. But the next year, a man who had witnessed Tabert die came forward and wrote to the family, explaining that all was not as it seemed. Tabert's family enlisted North Dakota's attorney general, who traveled to Florida to investigate. What he found was shocking. According to numerous eye-witnesses, the convicts' working conditions were hot, dirty, and brutal. Tabert and the other men were overseen by a 'whipping boss' who brandished a seven-pound strap. The men explained that bosses would often drag the whip through syrup or sand between lashes to enhance its effectiveness. During his sentence, Tabert struggled to keep up with the harsh demands of convict labor. He fell ill, his feet swollen from standing in swamp water. He worked too slowly for the tastes of his whipping boss, Walter Higginbotham. So, in front of some 80 other men, Higginbotham forced Tabert to lie down with his shirt lifted, and beat Tabert dozens of times with a strap. When Tabert resisted, the overseer stood on his neck and continued whipping. Tragically, historians have shown that violent labor prisons like this one were not unique to Florida. Across the South, men arrested for minor offenses were shuttled into convict workforces made up of mostly-African Americans as well as whites such as Tabert. These labor gangs helped build the New South's industrial infrastructure across the late 19th and early 20th centuries. In some cases, these practices lasted until World War II. When Tabert died soon after the beating, the Putnam Lumber Company physician examined his body and declared the causes of death as pneumonia and malaria. The North Dakota attorney general concluded that Putnam was covering up a crime. He determined that the company profited from 'the labor of unfortunate men, picked up and forced into their custody through trivial violations.' North Dakota legislators took up Tabert's cause and pushed Florida to evaluate its entire convict leasing system. Florida's investigative committee learned that similar abuses occurred in camps across the state, including some owned by legislators themselves. The committee also found that, after entering into a deal with Putnam Lumber, the sheriff who arrested Tabert detained nearly eight times more men than he had previously. The arrangement netted him thousands of dollars. Progressive Florida reformers, particularly women's clubs and civic organizations, called on the state to abolish the convict labor system. Dozens of local newspapers attacked the practice of renting convicts to private companies. Tabert's story appeared on the front pages of numerous newspapers from California to Massachusetts. In 1923, a young journalist named Marjory Stoneman Douglas published a poem titled 'Martin Tabert of North Dakota' in her regular column in the Miami Herald. The poem became an anthem for abolishing convict labor in Florida. The tide turned. The whipping boss Higginbotham was convicted of murder. The Florida legislature recommended the camp physician be removed for lying about Tabert's death. Putnam Lumber was forced to pay restitution to Tabert's family. And finally, in 1923, the Florida legislature voted to end the convict leasing system once and for all. Douglas's poem was read in the legislative chambers as the vote came to a close. For Douglas, ending the convict labor system was the first victory in her nearly 80-year activist career. During the Tabert campaign, she called for the creation of a Florida 'public welfare board' to monitor government actions and ensure that, in Douglas's words, 'never again shall the name of the state be blotted as it is now.' The public welfare board created a few years after Tabert's death became the precursor to several state-level public health and family services departments that still exist today. Read More: America Turned Against Migrant Detention Before. We Can Do It Again After helping abolish convict leasing, Douglas used her Miami Herald column to share her unconventional belief that South Florida's Everglades were more than a dismal swamp and that they were instead a natural treasure that needed to be protected. In 1947, she published The Everglades: River of Grass, a book credited with forever changing America's relationship with Florida's wetlands. That same year, Douglas was invited to sit on the platform behind President Harry Truman as he designated the Everglades National Park. In 1969, she founded Friends of the Everglades at the age of 79. Five years later, she helped establish the Big Cypress National Preserve, the largest National Park Service acquisition of private land in U.S. history. The media loved her. Douglas spoke with a powerful moral authority, and she was assigned an endless list of nicknames: Our Lady of the Glades, Guardian of the Glades' Spirit, the Mother Teresa of the Swamp. She continued her environmental and human rights activism until her death at age 108. Today, Trump's detention camp sits inside the Big Cypress National Preserve that Douglas, along with the Seminole and Miccosukee tribes and other conservationists, helped establish as the first of its kind in the United States. But just as the history of violence in Florida's swamps echoes today, so does the creative and bold activism of those like Douglas, who brought down a cruel system in the 1920s. In fact, Friends of the Everglades is currently a plaintiff in a lawsuit against 'Alligator Alcatraz.' Douglas's 1923 poem lamented how the 'black strap cracked' on Tabert's body and 'they nailed his coffin boards together' in the Florida swamps. But she also wrote that 'Florida's rising now,' and encouraged readers to end the poem by shouting Tabert's name. 'From Key West to Pensacola,' Douglas wrote, she could hear 'the angry voice of Florida crying.' Just as 'Alligator Alcatraz' echoes the dark history of Tabert and his abusers, let's also be inspired by the angry, rising voices from a century ago that won justice in Florida's swamps. Antonio Ramirez is Associate Professor of History at Elgin Community College, where he directs the Chicagolandia Oral History Project and the Center for Civic Engagement. He wrote the National Historic Landmark nomination for the Marjory Stoneman Douglas House. Made by History takes readers beyond the headlines with articles written and edited by professional historians. Learn more about Made by History at TIME here. Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of TIME editors.