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Britain has produced a generation too fearful of the real world

Britain has produced a generation too fearful of the real world

Yahoo22-03-2025
Many will have felt deeply the death last week, at 105, of Group Captain John Hemingway. A Battle of Britain pilot, shot down four times, he was the Last of the Few. He was just 21 when he took to his Hurricane to fight the Luftwaffe and protect Britain from invasion.
His remarkable generation are now almost all gone; and one wonders how many of today's twentysomethings can begin to understand his courage, and that of millions like him; and how when faced with danger and adversity they simply got on with it.
Of course, there were important differences between Group Captain Hemingway's generation and those born in the early 21st century. People were not designated as suffering mental health problems because they were unhappy or nervous; self-obsession, the main pastime of too many of today's young, was a taboo.
But, above all, there was hardly any welfare state. Several generations have been conditioned, through welfarism and poor parenting, to ask (as President Kennedy might have put it) not what they can do for their country, but what their country can do for them.
This becomes a terrifying prospect should the country face some challenge to its security. Polls have recently shown that many younger people wouldn't want to fight, having also been indoctrinated by school and university teachers that British values are generally questionable and the British past is largely despicable.
Also, suffocating welfarism has encouraged them to develop the lack of resilience of character and self-reliance that would make them entirely incapable of engaging in the sacrifice and heroism that so distinguished Group Captain Hemingway and his contemporaries when their age. Even if Putin decides not to put us to the test, what all this means for the future prosperity and success of our country is profoundly alarming.
The most recent figures show that 987,000 people aged 16 to 24, or one in eight of that cohort, are not in work, education or training. Sir Keir Starmer's spokesman said last week that there was a 'moral and economic' case for welfare reform. Despite many disabled people working, the numbers of all ages receiving sickness or disability benefit in England and Wales have risen from 2.8 million in 2019 to 4 million now. Many have been diagnosed with mental health problems.
The media have been full of young people talking about how they are too anxious to work. One imagines the young Group Captain Hemingway feeling quite profound anxiety as he climbed into his Hurricane yet again, not least because he had close comrades who never returned.
But then if you are used to the state surrounding you with a financial comfort blanket that spares you from confronting the real world, you are unlikely to turn out like Group Captain Hemingway. One will, instead, be cowering indoors awaiting the next benefits cheque, despite plentiful job vacancies in many parts of Britain.
Many say this is a legacy of the pandemic: the idiotic idea to confine people to their homes for months on end may well have produced a generation fearful of the pressures of the real world. But then, as the legendary Australian cricketer and former fighter pilot Keith Miller famously observed, 'you don't know what pressure is until you've had a Messerschmitt up your arse.'
One suspects Group Captain Hemingway might have been too self-deprecating to have agreed. However, if cutting off their benefits remoralises substantial numbers capable of working, at last breaking the spell of the welfare state, it would be good not just for the needlessly dependent who were affected, but for the future of Britain.
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That's just not what this is,' he said, estimating that the transcripts, at most, probably amount to a few hundred pages. 'It's not going to be much,' Krissoff said, estimating the length at as little as 60 pages 'because the Southern District of New York's practice is to put as little information as possible into the grand jury.' 'They basically spoon-feed the indictment to the grand jury. That's what we're going to see,' she said. 'I just think it's not going to be that interesting. ... I don't think it's going to be anything new.' Both former prosecutors said that grand jury witnesses in Manhattan are usually federal agents summarizing their witness interviews. That practice might conflict with the public perception of some state and federal grand jury proceedings, where witnesses likely to testify at a trial are brought before grand juries during lengthy proceedings prior to indictments or when grand juries are used as an investigatory tool. 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She said that citing 'public intrigue, interest and excitement' about a case was probably not enough to convince a judge to release the transcripts despite a 1997 ruling by the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals that said judges have wide discretion and that public interest alone can justify releasing grand jury information. Krissoff called it 'mind-blowingly strange' that Justice Department officials in Washington are increasingly directly filing requests and arguments in the Southern District of New York, where the prosecutor's office has long been labeled the 'Sovereign District of New York' for its independence from outside influence. 'To have the attorney general and deputy attorney general meddling in an SDNY case is unheard of,' she said. Cheryl Bader, a former federal prosecutor and Fordham Law School criminal law professor, said judges who presided over the Epstein and Maxwell cases may take weeks or months to rule. 'Especially here where the case involved witnesses or victims of sexual abuse, many of which are underage, the judge is going to be very cautious about what the judge releases,' she said. Bader said she didn't see the government's quest aimed at satisfying the public's desire to explore conspiracy theories 'trumping — pardon the pun — the well-established notions of protecting the secrecy of the grand jury process.' 'I'm sure that all the line prosecutors who really sort of appreciate the secrecy and special relationship they have with the grand jury are not happy that DOJ is asking the court to release these transcripts,' she added. Mitchell Epner, a former federal prosecutor now in private practice, called Trump's comments and influence in the Epstein matter 'unprecedented' and 'extraordinarily unusual' because he is a sitting president. He said it was not surprising that some former prosecutors are alarmed that the request to unseal the grand jury materials came two days after the firing of Manhattan Assistant U.S. Atty. Maurene Comey, who worked on the Epstein and Maxwell cases. 'If federal prosecutors have to worry about the professional consequences of refusing to go along with the political or personal agenda of powerful people, then we are in a very different place than I've understood the federal Department of Justice to be in over the last 30 years of my career,' he said. Krissoff said the uncertain environment that has current prosecutors feeling unsettled is shared by government employees she speaks with at other agencies as part of her work in private practice. 'The thing I hear most often is this is a strange time. Things aren't working the way we're used to them working,' she said. Neumeister writes for the Associated Press. AP writers Eric Tucker and Alanna Durkin Richer contributed to this report.

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