Kurdish leaders commemorate Yazidi genocide on 11th anniversary
Iraqi committee visits Kurdistan Region to probe drone attacks
Diverse Kurdish voices centre stage at Erbil citadel concert
Erbil air is cleaner as private generators phase out, says environment board
Heat kills hundreds of bees in Akre
A+ A-
ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - The Kurdistan Region's leaders commemorated the 11th anniversary of the Yazidi genocide by the Islamic State (ISIS) on Sunday, urging Baghdad to implement a key 2020 agreement with Erbil aimed at restoring normalcy to the Yazidi heartland of Shingal (Sinjar).
'It is the Iraqi government's responsibility to better care for its Yazidi citizens and compensate them, and no longer allow Shingal and Yazidi areas to become arenas for militia tensions and armed groups,' President Nechirvan Barzani said in a statement.
He reiterated the Kurdistan Region's 'full support' to the ethnoreligious community, while lamenting that 'after eleven years, nearly half of the Yazidis still live in difficult economic, social, and psychological conditions in camps.'
ISIS launched a brutal offensive across swathes of northern and western Iraq in June 2014. By August, the group began its onslaught on the Yazidi community in their heartland of Shingal in Nineveh province, killing an estimated 5,000 to 10,000 Yazidi men and older women.
The jihadists also abducted some 7,000 women and girls for sexual slavery and human trafficking. Around 400,000 Yazidis were forced to flee, with most seeking refuge in the Kurdistan Region, according to data from the Office for Rescuing Abducted Yazidis, operating under the Kurdistan Region Presidency.
The Yazidis were subjected to heinous atrocities under ISIS's brutal rule, including mass killings. The jihadists brought destruction to many villages and towns populated by the community and committed genocide.
'Trust, security, peace, safety, reconstruction, and services must be restored to Shingal and the other areas. Justice must be achieved for the Yazidi community and perpetrators must be punished,' President Barzani said, calling for the implementation of the Shingal Agreement.
In 2020, the Iraqi federal government and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) signed the Shingal Agreement to restore governance, security, and stability to the district and resolve a number of issues that have prevented the return of its inhabitants. Under that deal, Baghdad was to assume responsibility for security, expelling all armed groups and establishing a new armed force recruited from the local population.
The agreement has never been fully implemented and thousands of Yazidis are still unable to return home.
Kurdistan Region Prime Minister Masrour Barzani also commemorated the genocide, reiterating that Baghdad must compensate the Yazidi victims.
'We reiterate that the federal government must fulfill its duties and responsibilities, compensate our Yazidi brothers and sisters, help the displaced, and create conditions for their dignified return to their areas,' he said, stressing that the Shingal Agreement must be implemented and armed groups must withdraw from the district.
Political disputes over the region between Baghdad and Erbil, as well as the presence of armed groups like the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), have disrupted the reconstruction of the city that suffered heavy destruction during the war against ISIS.
'Due to the non-implementation of the Shingal Agreement and the undesirable situation imposed on Shingal after its liberation, it has not been possible to reconstruct and provide necessary services to the people of that region,' the prime minister added.
He asserted that the KRG remains hard at work to find and return Yazidis remaining in captivity.
Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) leader Masoud Barzani described ISIS's crimes against the Yazidis as 'exceeding all boundaries of cruelty and brutality,' stressing that the Kurdistan Region's citizens and the Kurdish Peshmerga forces stand in full solidarity with the Yazidi community.
'The Iraqi state must compensate the victims of the Shingal catastrophe and all genocides committed against the people of Kurdistan. There must be an end to these chauvinistic thoughts and behaviors,' he said in a statement.
International actors, such as the United Nations and the United States, have repeatedly called on Iraqi and Kurdish authorities to implement the Shingal Agreement and 'break the political deadlock' in the city.
Although Iraq declared the full liberation of its territory from ISIS in 2017, around 21,000 Yazidi families remain displaced, primarily in camps in the Kurdistan Region's Duhok province.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Rudaw Net
an hour ago
- Rudaw Net
Bahrain seeks to open representative office in Erbil: Ambassador
Also in Kurdistan Two dead in Halabja shooting President Barzani reaffirms Erbil's commitment to boosting ties with Berlin KDP, PUK reached 'better level' of understanding on KRG formation Banned chemicals threaten Kurdistan Region's fishery amid limited oversight A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - Bahrain is seeking to establish a representative office in Erbil in an effort to strengthen bilateral relations, its ambassador to Iraq said on Tuesday, in a meeting with Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani. During the meeting with Barzani, Ambassador Khalid Ahmed al-Mansour 'reiterated the importance of Bahrain's relationship with Iraq and the Kurdistan Region and referred to ongoing efforts to open a representative office in Erbil,' said a statement from the Kurdistan Region Presidency. The meeting between Barzani and Mansour in Erbil discussed bilateral ties and regional developments. 'Both sides affirmed their commitment to strengthening ties and increasing cooperation, particularly in the fields of economy and trade, and agreed to benefit from each other's experiences,' the statement added. Baghdad in recent years has strengthened its once tense relations with Manama. Iraq's ties with Gulf states deteriorated after the 2011 Arab Spring when Shiite figures in Iraq backed protesters in Bahrain, a country with a large and restive population of Shiite Muslims ruled by a Sunni minority royal family. A diplomatic spat between their foreign ministries resurfaced tensions in 2019. In June of that year, protesters stormed the Bahraini embassy in Baghdad, angry over Manama's decision to host the 'Peace for Prosperity' conference, where Jared Kushner, son-in-law and senior advisor to United States President Donald Trump, proposed an Israel-Palestine peace plan. Bahrain maintains an embassy in Baghdad and a consulate general in the holy Shiite city of Najaf.
Rudaw Net
4 hours ago
- Rudaw Net
Lawmaker rejects US intervention in PMF bill
Also in Iraq Hezbollah censures Iraqi PM over deadly Baghdad clashes Iraq's reputation at 'risk' if PMF law passes: Former US diplomat Iraqi vows reconstruction, accountability 11 years after Yazidi genocide NGOs call for renewed focus on Yazidi justice on genocide's 11th anniversary A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - A bill aimed at further legitimizing pro-Iran armed factions has sparked controversy in Iraq. While the United States has voiced opposition to the move, a lawmaker affiliated with the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), also known as Hashd al-Shaabi, has rejected Washington's interference. "We reject American interventions, especially regarding the issuance of laws that protect our security institutions. We believe that issuing the PMF law means transferring this force to institutional work... We insist on passing this bill and call on all political forces to cooperate as a gesture of loyalty to the martyrs' blood,' Falih al-Khazali, an Iraqi lawmaker and a PMF leader, told Rudaw on Monday. Washington has expressed increasing caution about the bill that aims to regulate the PMF's structure, salaries, and retirement benefits, a politically sensitive issue given the PMF's central role in Iraq's security framework and the political influence it wields. 'Pursuing this law can put Iraq's reputation at risk both regionally and internationally,' Vincent Campos, former public diplomacy officer at the US State Department, told Rudaw on Monday. 'This law represents everything that is wrong with Iranian influence in Iraq, and everything wrong with having, essentially, an independent militia doing whatever they want.' In response to an email from Rudaw, a State Department spokesperson on Sunday asserted Washington's staunch opposition to the law, labeling it a 'deeply unhelpful step' and explaining that its passage would empower pro-Iran militias in Iraq that have attacked US forces. Jamal Kochar, a Kurdish member of the Iraqi parliament, told Rudaw on Monday that the bill seeks more legitimacy for armed factions operating outside the state control. "The US has made clear and explicit threats against passing this bill. This [bill] would grant legitimacy to groups outside the state and allocate a massive budget to them. There are several places in Iraq that even the Prime Minister [Mohammed Shia' al-Sudani] cannot visit, like Jurf al-Sakhar [near Baghdad]... Therefore, in our view, this matter is very sensitive, and the first to be harmed will be Shiites, Sunnis, and Kurds,' he warned. Steven Fagin, charge d'affaires of the US embassy in Baghdad, met with the Iraqi parliament's First Deputy Speaker Muhsin al-Mandalawi on Sunday, where he 'reiterated U.S. concerns with two proposed PMC/PMF bills,' the embassy said on X. Mandalawi's office did not mention the PMF bill in its own statement, which broadly discussed bilateral cooperation and regional security. The PMF is composed of various armed factions, including groups designated as terrorist organizations by the US. Among them is Asaib Ahl al-Haq (AAH), whose leader Qais al-Khazali is a senior member of the Shiite-led Coordination Framework, a key component of Iraq's governing coalition. In March, AAH and the State of Law Coalition boycotted a parliamentary session after the PMF bill was excluded from the agenda, forcing its postponement. Halkawt Aziz contributed to this article.
Shafaq News
4 hours ago
- Shafaq News
Iraq's vague Protest Law: A tool for control or a framework for rights?
Shafaq News Iraq's parliament has reignited fierce public and political debate after reactivating a contentious draft law regulating peaceful protest and public assembly. The reintroduction of the proposal—formerly stalled since 2023—comes amid mounting pressure to finalize long-delayed legislation before the end of the current parliamentary session. While some lawmakers argue the draft law is essential for formalizing protest rights, critics warn that its vague language and selective revisions threaten to legitimize repression under the guise of regulation. A Narrower Scope, New Definitions Originally titled the Law on Freedom of Expression, Assembly, and Peaceful Demonstration, the current draft removes all references to "freedom of expression" and the "right to knowledge" from both its title and internal articles. Legal experts view this as a deliberate narrowing of the law's scope, excluding speech and media protections that were once central to the bill. The draft also introduces several legal definitions that were previously absent from Iraqi law—such as sit-ins, spontaneous gatherings, and strikes—granting these protest forms a degree of formal recognition. Notably, organizers are no longer required to obtain prior approval to hold a demonstration. Instead, they must notify the local administrative authority 48 hours in advance, providing details on the gathering's topic, location, timing, and names of up to three responsible individuals. Yet while this marks a procedural easing, the law still grants authorities broad discretion to object to or relocate protests for "security" or "organizational" reasons, leaving civil society groups skeptical about how these terms might be applied in practice. Prohibitions, Guarantees, and Grey Areas The revised draft prohibits demonstrators from carrying weapons—even if licensed—or bringing dangerous materials. It also bans wearing face coverings that obscure identity, as well as slogans or signs deemed offensive to 'public order' or 'morals.' These stipulations echo older legislative language that rights groups have long criticized for suppressing dissent and targeting protest movements. On the other hand, the draft offers new protections: it obliges security forces to safeguard peaceful gatherings and limits the use of force to situations where protests turn violent, in line with international standards. It also allows citizens to challenge protest bans before the Court of Appeal, which must rule within 72 hours—a step praised by some legal experts. Additionally, if demonstrators or third parties suffer damages and the perpetrator cannot be identified, the state is responsible for compensation, with the option to seek reimbursement later from the offender. The law also proposes repealing CPA Order No. 19 of 2003, a remnant of US occupation-era legislation governing assembly, and deleting Articles 220 to 222 of the Penal Code, which have historically allowed for the criminalization of protest leaders. For journalists, the draft introduces explicit guarantees allowing them to cover demonstrations freely and seek compensation for physical or material harm. A Struggle Between Liberties and Control Legal advocate Anwar al-Khafaji told Shafaq News that the law exposes an ongoing battle between two political visions: one prioritizing the protection of civil liberties, and another leaning toward increased state control. She cited Amnesty International's earlier warning that the law represents a 'serious setback' and contradicts Iraq's own constitution as well as its obligations under international human rights treaties. While the parliamentary Human Rights Committee claims to have softened some provisions—removing certain criminal penalties—al-Khafaji argued that key clauses remain problematic. These include vague definitions of terms like 'public order,' the ban on face coverings, and the continued restrictions on protest locations and timing. 'Without judicial independence, such ambiguous language can be used to suppress critical voices under the pretext of legality.' The reintroduction of the bill, she said, reflects fears among political elites of renewed mass protests in the lead-up to elections. Legal Objections: At Least 17 Flaws Identified Legal expert Ali al-Tamimi told Shafaq News that the draft contains at least 17 fundamental legal flaws, demanding a comprehensive overhaul. He emphasized that Article 38 of Iraq's constitution guarantees freedom of expression and peaceful assembly—rights that the draft, in its current form, undermines. Al-Tamimi raised concerns over the lack of clear definitions for key terms such as 'sit-in,' 'strike,' 'public order,' and 'morality.' He criticized the proposed role of the Human Rights Commission in resolving protest-related disputes, arguing that such responsibilities should lie with the judiciary to uphold the separation of powers. He also highlighted structural problems: -Notification vs. Authorization: Despite a shift toward a notification model, local authorities can still effectively block protests, undermining the supposed liberalization. -Excessive Police Discretion: Allowing the security apparatus to issue procedural guidelines risks politicizing enforcement. Al-Tamimi recommends placing this responsibility with the Council of Ministers. -Protest Timing Restrictions: The law imposes a 10:00 p.m. curfew on all public and private gatherings, including funerals, weddings, and religious events—raising concerns over cultural and social infringement. -Appeal Mechanisms and Oversight: The draft remains unclear on the appeals process and lacks independent oversight of security conduct during protests. -Database Regulation: Although the law mandates the creation of a protest activity database, it fails to address potential misuse or regulation of private sector data collection. Al-Tamimi also called for replacing custodial sentences with monetary fines and enforcing existing laws that prohibit sectarian and hate-based mobilization. Political Motives Behind the Law Political analyst Mujashaa al-Tamimi warned that the law's vague terms—particularly "public order" and "morality"—could be weaponized to stifle dissent. He argued that in the hands of dominant political parties, the law could legitimize the banning of protests critical of the government, especially as elections approach. 'The legal language is too broad,' he said. 'Without tighter safeguards, this becomes a tool to silence—not protect—citizens.' Al-Tamimi recommended a full legal rewrite in partnership with civil society groups, ensuring any protest regulation remains aligned with international legal norms and that limitations are necessary and proportionate. Hussein al-Mulla, spokesperson for the Digital Media Center (DMC), offered a more pragmatic view, acknowledging the need for legal regulation of protests but stressed that such laws must carefully balance public security with personal freedoms. 'Governments always view protests as threats,' he told Shafaq News. 'But that's exactly why robust legal safeguards are needed—to reassure both the public and the state.'
