
U.S. forces deploy anti-ship missiles in Philippines and stage live-fire drills near China hotspots
BATAN ISLAND, Philippines--The U.S. military has deployed an anti-ship missile launcher for the first time on Batan Island in the Philippines, as Marines unloaded the high-precision weapon on the northern tip of the archipelago, just a sea border away from Taiwan.
U.S. and Philippine forces separately unleashed a barrage of missile and artillery fire that shot down several drones acting as hostile aircraft in live-fire drills on Sunday in Zambales province facing the disputed South China Sea.
The mock battle scenarios over the weekend in the annual Balikatan exercises between the U.S. and its oldest treaty ally in Asia, the Philippines, not only simulated real-life war. They were also staged near major geopolitical hotspots, which have become delicate frontlines in the regional rivalry between China and the U.S. under former President Joe Biden and now Donald Trump.
About 9,000 American and 5,000 Filipino military personnel took part in the combat maneuvers. At least 260 Australian personnel also joined, with smaller observer delegations from Japan and other countries.
China has fiercely opposed the combat drills as provocative. Its aircraft carrier group sailed by a few days earlier near Batanes, where the U.S. military had deployed the Navy Marine Expeditionary Ship Interdiction System on Saturday on Batan near the Bashi Channel just south of Taiwan, a critical trade and military route that the U.S. and Chinese militaries have tried to gain strategic control of.
"The introduction of NMESIS into the first island chain for sea denial, sea control is another step in our force design journey,' U.S. Marine Lt. Gen. Michael Cederholm told a small group of journalists, including from The Associated Press, who were invited to witness the transport of the missile system aboard a C-130 Air Force aircraft to Batanes.
'We're not here practicing a war plan,' said Cederholm. 'We're practicing for the defense of the Philippines.'
The U.S. and the Philippines have denied the annual combat maneuvers — which both said would focus on a 'full-scale battle scenario' this year — were aimed at China or any adversary. The lines between what's mock and real, however, have been at times murky.
Asked if U.S. forces would pull out the anti-ship missile system from Batanes after the combat drills, Cederholm did not reply clearly.
'We don't broadcast when we're going in, when we're coming out and how long things are going to stay,' Cederholm said. 'All I'll say is we're here at the invitation and with the support of the Philippine government.'
"But I'm glad it's here,' he said.
Additionally, China had repeatedly expressed its strong opposition to the U.S. Army deployment last year of a mid-range missile system in the Philippines for joint exercises.
The U.S. Army launcher with at least 16 Standard Missile-6 and the Tomahawk Land Attack Missiles was repositioned in January from an international airport in northern Laoag city to a northwestern coastal area facing the Scarborough Shoal, where China's forces have used water cannons and dangerous blocking maneuvers against Philippine coast guard and fishery ships and fired flares near Manila's patrol planes, a Philippine official then told The AP.
The official spoke on condition of anonymity due to a lack of authority to discuss the delicate issue publicly.
Tomahawk missiles can travel over 1,000 miles (1,600 kilometers), which places China within their target range.
During the combat exercises from April 21 to May 9, American and Filipino forces will also practice jointly defending Philippine islands by repelling hostile forces attempting to assault from the sea in the western Philippine province of Palawan, which faces the South China Sea, and in northern Cagayan province near Batanes.
Philippine Brig. Gen. Michael Logico said the combat exercises were crucial to strengthening deterrence against aggression in the Bashi Channel.
"A peaceful region can only be maintained through a proper balance of strength between opposing forces until such time that … both countries decide that it's not going to be worth it to fight over this area,' Logico said.
Early this month, the Chinese military staged largescale drills in the waters around Taiwan and renewed a warning to the self-ruled democracy not to seek independence. Chinese navy, air, ground and rocket forces staged the drills.
The Philippines used to host two of the largest U.S. Navy and Air Force bases outside the American mainland. The bases were shut down in the early 1990s after the Philippine Senate rejected an extension, but American forces returned for large-scale combat exercises with Filipino troops under a 1999 agreement.
Cederholm cited the tens of thousands of U.S. military personnel, along with Filipino scouts, buried in the vast American cemetery in Manila as proof of Washington's commitment to help defend the Philippines beyond the U.S. bases era in the Philippines.
"We take our treaty obligations very seriously,' Cederholm said.
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The Diplomat
an hour ago
- The Diplomat
South Korea's Sovereign AI Gambit: A High-Stakes Experiment in Autonomy
South Korea's new Lee Jae-myung administration made establishing the country as a global AI leader one of its top priorities and took immediate action upon assuming office in June. Lee appointed Ha Jung-woo, the former AI chief of Korean tech giant NAVER and the nation's most vocal advocate for the so-called 'sovereign AI' discourse, as South Korea's first-ever presidential chief AI adviser. Days later, Bae Kyung-hoon, who led another massive AI foundation model development project at LG, was nominated as the new minister of science and ICT. The appointments were unconventional in several respects. Instead of the politicians or senior academics who typically rise to high administrative posts, two 40-something industry experts – considered young blood in South Korea's political scene – were brought to the forefront. More importantly, they were the very executives who had led South Korea's two largest large language model (LLM) projects. Their appointments are backed by a 100 trillion won (approximately $75 billion) national investment plan that Lee had pledged since his campaign. This was a clear message: Seoul has bet its future on building sovereign AI and is prioritizing practical execution over mere symbolism. In South Korea, sovereign AI is defined as more than just developing a single proprietary language model. It refers to a country securing capabilities and initiative across the entire AI industry value chain and ecosystem – from semiconductors, power, and computing infrastructure to data centers, cloud, and AI deployment services. So why is South Korea, a key U.S. ally and a tech powerhouse in its own right, now taking this risky and expensive path toward AI autonomy? The answer lies in a high-stakes experiment to carve out a 'Third Way' in an age of China-U.S. AI rivalry. The Geopolitical Imperative: The Two Waves The entrenchment of this shift was preceded by a pair of immense shockwaves. The first wave began in late 2022, when OpenAI's ChatGPT swept the globe. South Korea's tech giants at the time responded swiftly, with NAVER unveiling 'HyperCLOVA X' and LG launching 'EXAONE' to jump into the race to develop their own LLMs. It was at this point that pioneers like Ha began to champion the concept of 'sovereign AI.' Ha, in particular, stressed that to protect national sovereignty, critical infrastructure for diplomacy or defense could not be entrusted to foreign firms. He also argued that it is essential to preserve the nation's cultural and historical context – highlighting cases where early U.S. models referred to the 'East Sea' as the 'Sea of Japan,' a highly sensitive issue in South Korea. However, this initial push for sovereignty faced three major obstacles. First, the dominant global AI discourse at the time – from the 2023 AI Safety Summit at Bletchley Park in the U.K. to the 2024 AI Seoul Summit – was framed around cooperation over competition. Second, the Korean public's skepticism toward nationalism meant such arguments were often met with domestic derision as 'guk-ppong (국뽕),' a slang term for jingoistic fervor. Critically, there was widespread skepticism that the concept of sovereign AI itself represented specific corporate interests. As Ha was the AI chief of NAVER at the time, critics dismissed the argument as 'marketing jargon' aligned with the company's commercial interests. This perception was reinforced when global business leaders like Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang also endorsed sovereign AI, due to the pragmatic calculation that chipmakers stood to gain the most as nations rushed to purchase GPUs for their sovereign projects. What shattered this stalemate and elevated the sovereign AI discourse to the forefront of the nation agenda was the second shockwave: the 'DeepSeek Moment.' The V3 model from the Chinese startup DeepSeek, which gained attention around the Lunar New Year in February 2025, shocked the world with its claim of having lowered training costs to $6 million through algorithmic optimization (though experts point out this claim is debatable). The key takeaway was that a geopolitical rival, China, could create a frontier AI in a 'very cost-effective' manner. This signaled to South Korean decision-makers that sovereign AI was no longer a game only for the capital-rich United States, but had now become a viable and essential mission for South Korea as well. The Chief AI Officer's Doctrine: A Vision of 'Full-Stack' Sovereignty To understand Seoul's strategy, one must first understand the blueprint of its new architect, Chief AI Officer (CAIO) Ha Jung-woo. His argument for sovereign AI goes beyond simple technological nationalism; it is a comprehensive vision rooted in South Korea's significant tech capabilities and the geopolitical realities of the 21st century. At the core of Ha's argument is the belief that South Korea is one of the few nations with the capacity to even attempt such a feat. He has frequently emphasized that the country possesses nearly all the components of the AI 'full-stack': world-leading memory semiconductors and burgeoning AI chip (NPU) development, established cloud infrastructure, vast high-quality datasets from a hyper-digitalized society, and a significant pool of AI talent. For South Korea, therefore, sovereign AI is not just a vague dream but a viable national strategy. Ha defines sovereign AI as liberation from technological dependency. According to him, this is not a call for isolationism, but for securing AI systems that deeply understand and align with the nation's own language, culture, laws, and social values. The argument is that no matter how advanced a foreign model may be, it cannot, by definition, internalize this nuanced context. Ultimately, his vision is geopolitical. He warns that AI is poised to become the primary tool of 21st-century 'neo-imperialism.' Just as past empires used guns and ships to colonize territories, he argues, future powers will use AI to dominate the digital territories and data of other nations, subordinating their industrial ecosystems. From this perspective, sovereign AI is a defensive shield against this tide. Moreover, this defensive logic leads to a proactive global strategy: the Third Way. He argues that South Korea must make a unique proposal to nations in the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and beyond that are wary of the technological hegemony of both superpowers, the U.S. and China. This goes beyond mere product sales to a partnership that includes co-development, technology transfer, and a commitment to data sovereignty to help those nations build their own sovereign AI. Given its position as a middle power, this would allow Seoul to establish itself not as a tech hegemon like Washington or Beijing, but as a reliable and non-threatening partner for the digital age. The Blueprint: A State-Led Push The shockwaves from DeepSeek were so powerful that they prompted immediate action from Seoul, even amid the political vacuum following the martial law crisis of the former Yoon Suk-yeol administration. In January, the government – then under an acting president – officially unveiled its blueprint for AI by announcing two flagship projects: the Independent AI Foundation Model initiative and the establishment of a National AI Computing Center. The 2.5 trillion won (approximately $1.84 billion) computing center plan, in particular, drew attention as it was announced shortly after the Trump administration's reported $500 billion 'Stargate' data center plan in January. It was an ambitious vision for the state to directly provide the core infrastructure for AI, but it soon collided with the cold realities of the market. Due to uncertainty over profitability and corporate reluctance regarding the government's demand for a 51 percent controlling stake, the National AI Computing Center failed to attract a private partner in two consecutive bidding rounds. The government is now completely re-evaluating its approach to revive this massive project. In contrast, the Independent AI Foundation Model project, which had been designed throughout the first half of the year under the tentative name 'World Best LLM (WBL),' was officially launched in June. This project, reflecting lessons from the initial setbacks of initiatives like the National AI Computing Center, was designed with more market-oriented criteria and aims to select a national open-source foundation model. With nearly all of South Korea's LLM developers participating, the final output, born from a fierce competitive evaluation, is scheduled to be released as open-source to the entire domestic AI ecosystem. The Internal Debate: A Pragmatic Clash of Visions While few in Seoul oppose the core values of AI sovereignty itself, the government's method has ignited a fierce and complex debate, pitting national ambition against market pragmatism. The most vocal critics come from the country's dynamic startup and vertical AI scene. Their primary concern is the fear of a new tech chaebol. With former top executives from the nation's two largest tech companies now at the helm of national AI policy, many startup founders worry the strategy will inevitably favor the two giants they hail from. A prominent Korean AI startup CEO wrote on social media, that 'it will create a very strange structure where foreign AI giants, domestic MSPs, and countless B2B software partners will have to band together to compete against the government's AI.' His sentiment was echoed by others who fear a tilted playing field where national resources are funneled to large corporations. This fear is rooted in a fundamentally different business reality. For most startups, the race to build the biggest foundation models is already a lost cause – a money pit that they believe South Korea cannot afford. The real market, they argue, is in 'vertical AI': creating specialized applications for industries like medicine, law, and finance. For them, U.S.-based Application Programming Interface (APIs) from OpenAI or Anthropic 'are not a threat,' but a vital, cost-effective tool for innovation and survival. From this perspective, the government's focus on creating a national LLM is a misguided use of taxpayer money. It diverts resources away from South Korea's most vibrant and profitable AI sector – the application layer – to chase a goal that is both commercially unviable and potentially harmful to the broader ecosystem. While the government counters that a national LLM is a public good – an 'AI highway' for all startups to use – this explanation has done little to assuage the market's skepticism so far. Conclusion: A Grand Experiment of Opportunity and Risk South Korea's sovereign AI strategy has become a fascinating experiment of a nation navigating the turbulent waters of the 21st century tech race. It is a situation where a grand, state-led geopolitical vision is in stark confrontation with a pragmatic reality that follows market logic. Despite these internal debates, the true stage for this experiment is already global, and its success depends on how it manages the opportunities and risks inherent in its 'Third Way' vision. The opportunity is clear. For nations in the Global South wary of both U.S. technological hegemony and Chinese influence, the partnership proposal from a middle power like South Korea is a viable card to play. The strategy of approaching them as a reliable partner rather than a tech hegemon can yield new markets and diplomatic assets. However, the strategy carries inherent risks as it relies heavily on the intangible asset of trust. At the same time, potential partner nations question the competitiveness of South Korea's AI models, and some skeptics suggest that the country could merely be used as a negotiation lever against the United States and China. Ultimately, the success of this grand experiment hinges on whether South Korea can solve a dual challenge: winning the support of the domestic tech ecosystem internally, while proving its technological credibility externally. Can Seoul bridge this gap? Can the state-backed national champions create a platform for coexistence instead of competing with domestic innovators, and persuade their own ecosystem to endure short-term pain and perceptions of unfairness for long-term strategic gain? The world's middle powers, seeking a path between the U.S. and Chinese spheres of influence, are watching this process closely. Whatever the outcome of Seoul's high-stakes gambit, the journey will offer important lessons on the price of and challenges to pursuing autonomy in the age of AI.


The Diplomat
an hour ago
- The Diplomat
Why South Korea Needs a Trade Deal With the United States
Without a new deal or an extension to the talks, South Korea will face a series of new tariffs from the United States that will significantly impact its economy. With the South Korea-U.S. free trade agreement (KORUS FTA) in place, there are virtually no tariffs on trade between the two countries – and there should be no need for a new trade deal. The Trump administration, however, believes that U.S. trade partners have treated the United States unfairly and that new trading arrangements are necessary. Reaching a deal with the Trump administration is complicated by the significant uncertainty the administration has created with its series of tariffs and a shifting approach to negotiations. However, despite these challenges and being in office less than a month, the new Lee Jae-myung administration needs to secure a new trade deal or extension with the United States by July 8 negotiating deadline. Without a new deal or an extension to the talks, South Korea will face a series of new tariffs from the United States that will significantly impact its economy. As one of the world's leading trading nations, South Korea is both directly and indirectly impacted by the new tariffs being implemented by the Trump administration. In the aftermath of the Korean War, the country rebuilt its economy and became one of the world's economic development success stories in part because of international trade. Even today, trade is a key component of the Korean economy. In 2024, exports and imports accounted for 77.6 percent of South Korea's GDP. Exports alone were equivalent to 39.1 percent of GDP. While China remains South Korea's largest trading partner, the margin has been decreasing in recent years. The United States is South Korea's second-largest trading partner and a critical partner for technological cooperation and economic growth. Last year, South Korea exported $128.4 billion in goods to the United States, according to United Nations trade data, only about $4 billion less than it exported to China. Because of the global nature of supply chains, even tariffs that do not directly target South Korea can impact the supply chains of Korean companies either through parts that are produced in third countries for final assembly in the United States or finished goods that are built in third countries for export to the U.S. market. In this context, Korean firms face the impact of the full array of the Trump administration's tariffs including the reciprocal tariffs, sectoral tariffs on steel, automobiles, semiconductors, and other products, as well as tariffs on China and potentially Canada and Mexico. How the Reciprocal Tariffs Impact South Korea In the April 2 executive order announcing the so-called reciprocal tariffs, the White House argued that 'Large and persistent annual U.S. goods trade deficits are caused in substantial part by a lack of reciprocity in our bilateral trade relationships.' In the case of South Korea, the United States has maintained a persistent trade deficit that reached $55.9 billion in 2024. The trade deficit has grown significantly since the implementation of the KORUS FTA and was a point of contention during the first Trump administration. In announcing the reciprocal tariffs, the Trump administration placed a tariff of 25 percent on imports from South Korea. Automobiles, steel, and other products are subject to subject to separate Section 232 national security tariffs; the reciprocal tariffs impact all other trade. They include two parts – a 10 percent universal tariff and a set of country-specific reciprocal tariffs (in South Korea's case, set at 25 percent). While the reciprocal tariff portion is theoretically open to negotiation, under a 90-day 'pause' that expires next week, the universal tariff may be a new baseline under the Trump administration. For the moment, many electronics products such as smartphones and computers will be exempted from the reciprocal tariffs, but those are expected to be covered to some extent by new tariffs once an ongoing Section 232 investigation into semiconductors is finished. According to a study by the Korea International Trade Association, around 50 percent of all Korean exports to the United States are intermediate goods used in production in the United States. These include semiconductors, auto parts, and steel. The high level of Korean exports of intermediate goods to the United States limits the impact of the reciprocal tariffs on South Korea to an extent but also means that the country is more exposed to the sectoral tariffs. When combined with automobile exports, this means that a significant portion of Korean exports will be hit by Section 232 tariffs. However, some significant exports will be subject to the reciprocal tariffs. These include $5.5 billion in exports of petrochemical products, $4.5 billion in plastics, $2.4 billion in optical and related equipment, and nearly $2 billion each in organic chemicals and cosmetics. To give one specific example, global exports of K-beauty products last year surpassed $10 billion for the first time. The United States is the second largest market for K-beauty products. If the full 25 percent tariff remains in place, exports of K-beauty products would likely see a decrease in demand in the United States and producers may need to grow alternative markets such as China and Japan, the number 1 and 3 export destinations for K-beauty. Tariffs on the Automobile Industry Automotive tariffs are the most significant challenge. Exports of automobiles and automotive parts accounted for a third of Korean exports to the United States in 2024. The U.S. is the most important market for the Hyundai Motor Group. Last year, the conglomerate sold 4.1 million vehicles globally; more than 1.6 million of those sales were in the United States, with Hyundai selling 836,802 vehicles and Kia an additional 796,488 vehicles. While the new Metaplant America facility in Georgia will help with U.S. production, slightly more than 50 percent of all vehicles sold by Hyundai Motor Group in the United States are imported. Hyundai Motor Group is not the only automotive producer impacted by the tariffs. GM Korea produces around 500,000 vehicles annually in plants in South Korea, with 90 percent of the production exported to the United States. GM estimates that the tariffs on its Korean production could reduce its overall profit by $2 billion. Without tariff relief, there are concerns in South Korea that the increased costs faced by GM Korea will further a reduction of GM Korea's operations that has been taking place over the last decade. The complete closure of GM Korea is not out of the question. Beyond the impact on Hyundai Motor Group and GM Korea's sales and profits, there will likely be an impact on employment in South Korea, where the automotive industry employs around 335,600 people. If GM Korea were to shutter its facilities completely, it would result in approximately 12,000 job losses. Without an agreement to reduce the Section 232 auto tariffs, imports of Korean autos and auto parts will continue to face a 25 percent tariff – separate from the reciprocal tariffs. The tariff on auto parts was adjusted to provide some relief for parts used to assemble vehicles in the United States, and the steel tariffs will also not apply for imports of steel used in automotive production. Other Section 232 Tariffs: Steel, Semiconductors, and Pharmaceuticals Ordinarily, being subjected to a 50 percent tariff would not be a positive outcome. However, the Trump administration's decision to initially place a 25 percent tariff on all steel imports, later raised to 50 percent, and cancel prior quota agreements on steel did have one silver lining – it eliminated the quota that had been limiting Korean exports to the United States since the first Trump administration. That may be the only positive for South Korea on the steel tariffs. The significant increase in the U.S. tariff on steel comes at an inopportune time for Korean producers. The United States is only the fourth largest export market for Korean steel, but South Korea's domestic steel producers are under pressure from a global glut of steel production, cheap Chinese products, and now the U.S. tariffs. This has forced Korean steel producers to suspend some production and close some facilities. Because the U.S. tariff will not just apply to exports of steel to the United States, but also steel used in large consumer goods such as refrigerators, washers, and dryers, the tariffs are also creating a pressure for exporters of large consumer goods to shift away from Korean steel in production. One estimate by Allianz Research suggests that the tariffs could result in a $600 million loss for Korean steel exports to the United States. Efforts to conclude a deal with the United States are further complicated by additional Section 232 national security cases that the administration is undertaking in areas such as semiconductors and pharmaceuticals. Last year, South Korea exported $10.7 billion worth of semiconductors to the United States. Samsung and SK Hynix account for around 70 percent of global production of DRAM memory chips and are the top two producers of NAND flash memory. The industry is critical to the Korean economy. The $10.7 billion in exports to the United States, however, understates the potential impact of a new semiconductor tariff on South Korea. Both Samsung and SK Hynix have significant production in China, from which they exported an additional $1 billion to the United States. Pharmaceuticals are another area that will be potentially impacted by a Section 232 investigation. South Korea had seen the industry as a potential area of growth and exported $1.4 billion worth of pharmaceuticals to the United States in 2024. Tariffs on Supply Chains in Vietnam, China, and Mexico Because of the nature of global supply chains Korean firms will also face tariffs on goods produced by suppliers or their own firms in other countries. Samsung, for example, produces 60 percent of its smartphones in Vietnam, many of which are then shipped to the United States. Trump announced that Vietnam has agreed to a 20 percent tariff rate; if that eventually includes consumer electronics, Samsung smartphones would face a 20 percent tariff when shipped from Vietnam rather than the current 0 percent tariff. If the White House maintains an exclusion for consumer electronics but places a tariff on the semiconductors inside the smartphone, the origin of the semiconductor will impact the tariff unless South Korea can gain an exemption for any semiconductor produced by a Korean firm regardless of the production facilities' location. The potential semiconductor tariff also could impact production in other ways. Both Samsung and SK Hynix have significant production in China that provides chips to U.S. and foreign firms that assemble consumer electronics in China for export to the United States. Both firms could face pressure to relocate that production as the partners they supply look for ways to avoid tariffs on their final goods. In the automotive sector, the long-term status of the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) will also be significant. The Trump administration has for the moment suspended tariffs on goods from Canada and Mexico that are compliant with USMCA rules. If that exemption is changed, Korean firms could face tariffs on goods produced in Mexico or Canada for the U.S. market. Korean firms exported 271,000 vehicles from Mexico to the U.S. in 2024, such as the Kia Forte, which is exclusively made in Mexico for the U.S. market. Under normal circumstances, South Korea would be well placed to compete in the U.S. market with the KORUS FTA in place. However, with the Trump administration utilizing national security exemptions to override that agreement, South Korea will need to reach a new understanding on trade to minimize the damage to key sectors such as automobiles and semiconductors. Due to the global nature of supply chains, South Korea will be unable to completely avoid all the new U.S. tariffs, but a new deal that avoids tariffs to the extent possible on goods produced in South Korea is necessary.


Asahi Shimbun
8 hours ago
- Asahi Shimbun
Thailand swears in new Cabinet including suspended prime minister
Thailand's suspended Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra arrives at Government House as she takes the oath of office as Minister of Culture in Bangkok, Thailand, July 3, 2025.(AP Photo) BANGKOK--Thailand swore in new Cabinet members Thursday with its government in flux after the Constitutional Court suspended the prime minister less than a year after the same court removed her predecessor. Paetongtarn Shinawatra, who was suspended as prime minister while under an ethics investigation for a conversation with a senior Cambodian leader, returned to the cabinet as culture minister. The top job was filled by Phumtham Wechayachai, a longtime ally of Paetongtarn's father, former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Phumtham served under Paetongtarn as deputy prime minister and defense minister. He was sworn in Thursday as deputy prime minister and interior minister. Paetongtarn has faced growing dissatisfaction over her handling of a border dispute with Cambodia, including an armed confrontation in May in which a Cambodian soldier was killed. In a leaked phone call with Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen, she attempted to defuse tensions — but instead set off a string of complaints and public protests. Critics said she went to far in appeasing Hun Sen and damaged Thailand's image and interests. The Constitutional Court voted unanimously Tuesday to review a petition accusing Paetongtarn of a breach of the ethics and voted 7-2 to immediately suspend her until it issues its ruling. The court gave Paetongtarn 15 days to give evidence to support her case. It's unclear when it will rule. The same day, Thailand's king endorsed a Cabinet lineup in which Paetongtarn would be the culture minister. Phumtham was assigned on Thursday to be first of several deputies in line to act as prime minister, said government spokesperson Jirayu Houngsub. Deputy Prime Minister Suriya Jungrungreangkit, who was acting prime minister in the interim, led the new Cabinet members at the ceremony to receive the endorsement from King Maha Vajiralongkorn at the Dusit Palace.