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How could welfare reforms in Germany affect you?

How could welfare reforms in Germany affect you?

Local Germanya day ago
Bürgergeld
and other unemployment benefits are
is to be reformed (read cut) in order to save money, according to statements made by Chancellor Friedrich Merz to
ARD
in a
televised interview
on Sunday.
Specifically, Merz spoke in favour of noticeable cuts to
Bürgergeld,
including potentially enforcing a cap on payments towards rent.
"It should be called basic security (
Grundsicherung
) and no longer citizen's money (
Bürgergeld
)...' Merz said, adding that he envisions the government saving more than one or two billion euros via cuts to welfare cash benefits.
Federal Labour Minister Bärbel Bas (SPD) reportedly wants to present a draft for a
Bürgergeld
reform after the summer break.
What would a
Bürgergeld
reform look like?
Among the main points Merz addressed on camera were a cap on the amount of rental costs that can be covered, as wekk as adjustments intended to stop people from collecting unemployment money on top of undeclared or other part-time work.
A cap on rental costs could have a particular impact on people living in tight housing markets, such as in Berlin, Munich or other major cities, where housing costs are often high and more affordable options aren't readily available
READ ALSO:
Germans taking on personal debt at 'nearly twice the European average'
The Chancellor also suggested that in some cases, like immediately after losing one's job, he could imagine increasing the unemployment benefits rate in some cases.
Merz' comments, taken along with similar comments from Federal Labour Minister Bärbel Bas (SPD), suggest a looming cuts to Germany's welfare benefits system.
For her part, Bas has also spoken of a broad reorganisation of
Bürgergeld
to make it 'more targeted and better at getting people into work', according to a
report
by
Merkur.de.
The Labour Minister has also spoken out in favour of stricter rules for welfare recipients, including sanctions for people
who miss appointments at the job centre
.
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Welfare politicised
Germany's long-valued welfare benefits, and
Bürgergeld
in particular, have become issues of political contention in recent months.
The far-right Alternative for Germany party has taken to pushing a narrative that immigrants in Germany are milking the country's welfare system, despite
evidence to the contrary
.
READ ALSO:
Fact-check - Are immigrants in Germany taking advantage of the welfare state?
It's not surprising that the conservative Christian Union parties under Merz' leadership are pushing for social welfare reforms, but exactly how far they will push remains to be seen.
The black-red government was confronted with a
substantial hole in the federal budget
as soon as it came to power, and having run on plans to cut certain taxes and raise spending on defence and infrastructure, they are limited in where they can look for potential savings.
But exactly which benefits will be capped or cut, and by how much, will ultimately come down to the compromises reached in debates between Merz' conservatives and the centre-left Social Democrats (historically regarded as defenders of the welfare state).
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Hungary: Orban's new hate campaign against Ukraine – DW – 07/15/2025
Hungary: Orban's new hate campaign against Ukraine – DW – 07/15/2025

DW

timean hour ago

  • DW

Hungary: Orban's new hate campaign against Ukraine – DW – 07/15/2025

After an ethnic Hungarian conscript died in unexplained circumstances in Ukraine, Hungary's leader has renewed his campaign against the neighboring country. DW's research shows he has been spreading falsified videos. Hungary has only just concluded a months-long campaign against Ukraine aimed at blocking it from joining the EU. The autocratic prime minister, Viktor Orban, and his political apparatus have been portraying their neighboring country as a mafia state, overrun with hordes of dangerous criminals who would rob, kidnap, and kill Hungarian people. If people thought this was the nadir of Orban's anti-Ukraine propaganda, they are in for a disappointment. The Hungarian leadership is portraying the death of a recruit of Hungarian origin in Ukraine on July 6 as an attack on the Hungarian nation as a whole, declaring Ukraine to be a sort of evil empire. And he's taking this stance, even though the circumstances of the man's death are not clear. Orban has claimed that "a Hungarian citizen was beaten to death in Ukraine." With no proof whatsoever, he is accusing Ukraine and the EU of covering up this supposed crime. He published a post on Facebook, on a black background, that read: "The truth cannot be silenced!" Pro-government Hungarian media have published hundreds of highly emotional articles about the conscript's death. Sandor Fegyir, Ukraine's ambassador to Budapest, was summoned — an unequivocal sign of anger in diplomatic circles. Hundreds of furious people, led by Orban's chief propagandist, Zsolt Bayer, demonstrated outside the Ukrainian embassy in the Hungarian capital. In a letter to the dead man's parents, the Hungarian president, Tamas Sulyok, wrote that he was "utterly horrified" by what he had heard about the circumstances leading to their son's death. "Such a thing cannot happen in Europe," he said, adding that it "completely contradicts all human values" represented by European nations. So what actually happened? The man in question was a 45-year-old named Jozsef Sebestyen from the city of Berehove in the Transcarpathian region of Ukraine, home to almost 100,000 ethnic Hungarians. Berehove itself, just a few kilometers from the border with Hungary, has a population of 23,000, and around half are ethnic Hungarians. Sebestyen ran a guesthouse, and, like many ethnic Hungarians in Transcarpathia, he had both Ukrainian and Hungarian citizenship. Like most Ukrainian citizens of fighting age, he was registered with the Ukrainian military administration (TZK) after the outbreak of full-scale war in February 2022. In mid-June of this year, he was stopped by TZK personnel at a roadside checkpoint in Berehove. Sebestyen was mobilized, declared fit for military service, and sent for basic training. On July 6, he died in a psychiatric clinic in Berehove. Those are the verified facts. As far as all other aspects of the case are concerned, accounts differ widely, and have not been verified. On July 9, the Hungarian pro-government portal Mandiner published a report that claimed Jozsef Sebestyen had been beaten with iron bars, so badly that he subsequently died of his injuries. The report cited and was based on a Facebook post by Sebestyen's sister Marta. However, this post either does not exist, or has been deleted. DW reached out to Marta Sebestyen, but she did not reply. We also contacted the editors of Mandiner, whose response was to publish an article declaring that they would not allow the issue to be "trivialized." After this, Mandiner also published videos that it said showed Jozsef Sebestyen after he was physically abused. In one video, he is seen kneeling in a field with paramedics and people in military uniform asking him questions. He has no visible injuries. After a while, he lets himself fall onto the grass. Two other videos show him crawling on all fours, on terrain that could be a training camp. He appears exhausted and confused. The videos do not show or indicate that he was subjected to violence. It is not clear who filmed these videos. Nonetheless, they have been circulated all over Hungary and shown repeatedly in pro-government media, including the news programs of the public-service broadcaster MTVA, as supposed evidence of the brutality of the Ukrainian military. Reports by the MTVA news program Hirado also include a video of a man in a hospital, probably in intensive care. Captions on the video say it shows Sebestyen "in hospital shortly before his death," which was on July 6. However, DW has established that the video was first published on a Ukrainian Telegram channel on May 22, 2025. The owner of this channel, Vitaliy Glagola, has told DW that the video shows a different man, and that it is being misused by the Hungarian media. This video has also been posted by Viktor Orban on his TikTok and social media accounts. The news program Hirado has also misused a second video taken from Glagola's channel. This too was published on May 22, well before Sebestyen was mobilized. At the time of writing, neither the broadcaster MTVA nor the Hungarian office for government communication has responded to DW's written enquiries. In a statement dated July 10, 2025, the leadership of the Ukrainian land forces denied abusing Sebestyen in any way. The statement says he was brought to a training unit on June 15, 2025, and that he deserted three days later. It says he presented at the district hospital in Berehove on June 24, feeling unwell, and was transferred from there to a psychiatric hospital, where he died of a pulmonary embolism on July 6, "with no sign of any injuries indicative of violence." The Ukrainian foreign ministry accuses Hungary of exploiting the Sebestyen case in a "manipulative manner and for political purposes." Indeed, Viktor Orban not only claims that "a Hungarian was beaten to death in Ukraine" — he goes on to assert that "such a country cannot be allowed to become an EU member." It is a continuation of his campaign to prevent Ukraine from joining the EU. So far, though, despite intense propaganda, this has been only moderately successful. But the Sebestyen case is different. Many Hungarians are very emotionally invested in the concerns of ethnic Hungarians in neighboring countries. Orban's regime has revived the issue of the "Trianon trauma" — a taboo subject for many years. It's one that has resonated strongly with the people. Hungary lost two-thirds of its territory and population under the terms of the Treaty of Trianon, which was signed after World War One, in 1920. These days, around two million ethnic Hungarians live in neighboring countries. Many Hungarians have been shocked and dismayed by the death of Jozsef Sebestyen. However, many are also starting to weary of Viktor Orban. It remains to be seen whether his latest campaign will change that.

After huge US cuts, who pays for aid in the Middle East now? – DW – 07/15/2025
After huge US cuts, who pays for aid in the Middle East now? – DW – 07/15/2025

DW

time3 hours ago

  • DW

After huge US cuts, who pays for aid in the Middle East now? – DW – 07/15/2025

For the first time in 30 years, in 2024, some of the world's biggest spenders on aid and development cut funding. Now aid organizations in the Middle East are forced to seek new, potentially more demanding, donors. Ask around various civil society organizations working in the Middle East and the answer is always the same. "Nobody really knows what's happening," one project manager running a Syria-based project told DW about the US cuts in aid funding. "They haven't put a complete stop to it yet so we're just spending the money on a monthly basis and hoping for the best." "We still don't know if we're going to get the funding we were promised this year," the founder of an Iraqi journalists' network in Baghdad said. "We probably won't be able to pay some of our journalists. Right now, we're approaching other organizations to try to replace the money." Neither interviewee wanted their names published because they didn't want to criticize their donors publicly. They are not alone. Since US President Donald Trump took power, he has slashed US funding for what's known as "official development aid," or ODA. Often simply called foreign aid,the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Developmentdefines ODA as "government aid that promotes and specifically targets the economic development and welfare of developing countries." ODA can be bilateral — given from country to country — or multilateral, where funds are pooled by an organization like the UN, then disbursed. The US is not the only country cutting ODA. Even before what insiders described as the US' "chaotic" budget cuts, reductions in ODA were a longer-term pattern. Global ODA fell by over 7% in 2024, as European nations and the UK also reduced ODA in favor of channeling more money into defense. Last year marked the first time in nearly 30 years that major donors like France, Germany, the UK and the US all cut ODA. In 2023, countries in the Middle East got around $7.8 billion (€6.7 billion) out of the $42.4 billion (€36.3 billion) the US spent that year. That is why, Laith Alajlouni, a research associate at the International Institute for Strategic Studies in Bahrain, wrote in March, "the effects of US aid cuts … will be felt deeply in the Middle East, where key US partners continue to rely heavily on US assistance to meet their military and economic needs." Between 2014 and 2024, the US pledged around $106.8 billion to countries in the region. Israel gets just under a third of that, although much of the money is earmarked for military purposes. But for other countries, funds from the US were equivalent to a significant portion of their national income, Alajlouni pointed out. Now funding for emergency food and water in Sudan, medicines in Yemen, children's nutrition in Lebanon, and camps for the displaced, including families allegedly connected to the extremist "Islamic State" group in Syria are all are at risk, Alajlouni argues. Other countries, like Jordan and Egypt, are heavily reliant on foreign funding for "economic development" to keep their ailing economies afloat, he noted. It remains unclear exactly how much Middle Eastern countries will lose due to ODA cuts. Last month, researchers at Washington-based think tank, the Center for Global Development, tried to calculate the fallout. "Some countries are projected to lose large amounts of ODA simply because of who their main donors are," they noted, "while others are projected to lose very little." For example, Yemen will likely see its ODA reduced by 19% between 2023 and 2026. In 2025, its three biggest donors, via the UN's Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, or UNOCHA, were Saudi Arabia, the EU and the UK. Somalia, on the other hand may lose as much as 39%. Its main donors, via UNOCHA, were the UK, the EU and the US. "It is clear that in the short term, the shortfall in aid funding will not be closed," Vincenzo Bollettino, director of the resilient communities program at Harvard University's Humanitarian Initiative in Boston, told DW. "In the mid-to-long term, it's likely there will be a tapestry of different forms of aid." Part of that will be a larger number of states "providing aid and development assistance where it aligns with their own political objectives," Bollettino predicts. Russia's main agency for international cooperation, Rossotrudnichestvo, recently announced it would restructure to be more like USAID and will open outposts in the UAE and Saudi Arabia. But at just $70 million annually, Rossotrudnichestvo's budget is comparatively small. Chinese money could be another alternative to US and European funding. "China has positioned itself as the US' greatest competitor in global development," experts at US think tank, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, warned in July. But China isn't all that interested in the Middle East, experts point out, and is more engaged in Southeast Asia and Africa. "Neither Russia nor China have played traditionally significant roles in the international humanitarian aid system and this is unlikely to change anytime soon," Bollettino explains. Much more likely donors in the Middle East will be the wealthy Gulf states, says Markus Loewe, a professor and the coordinator for research on the Middle East and North Africa at the German Institute of Development and Sustainability, or IDOS. Over the last two decades, four Gulf states — Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar and Kuwait — have been internationally significant donors. "For example, Saudi Arabia is already offering substantial support to Syria," Loewe told DW. "They have been supporting Lebanon to quite a degree and they would definitely be ready to pay a lot of the costs of reconstruction in Gaza, provided there is an acceptable agreement on a ceasefire." Most of that ODA has gone to Arab countries, although Qatar and Kuwait have also funded work in Turkey, Afghanistan and some African countries. Hardly any Gulf money goes into what are called "pooled" funds like those run by the UN. Most is bilateral, from country to country, because the Gulf states tend to use their ODA in a more transactional way. That is, as a diplomatic tool where it ties into different Gulf states' often-competing foreign policy aims. "Aid recipients who are considered politically important for Gulf donors tend to receive more aid," Khaled AlMezaini, a professor at the UAE's Zayed University, wrote in a recent analysis. For example, despite waging war on parts of Yemen from 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE were also the country's biggest donors. But as Harvard's Bollettino points out, ODA is not meant to be political. That goes against basic humanitarian principles of neutrality and impartiality. "The essential problem with instrumentalized aid is that it's just as likely to be a catalyst of conflict and violence as a source of peace and security," he argues. "The so-called Gaza Humanitarian Foundation — where 'humanitarian aid' being delivered to starving civilians has resulted in hundreds of Palestinians being killed — is a case in point." To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video

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