
European aviation team in Islamabad to upgrade security standards after EU ban lifted
Europe's aviation regulator barred Pakistani airlines in June 2020 from operating in European airspace over concerns that Pakistan's aviation authorities were failing to meet international safety standards. The ban was lifted in November 2024.
ECAC, a grouping of the EU and 17 other countries, is a European aviation policy forum focused on safety and security.
The PCAA requested it to train its staff after the resumption of flights to the EU in January.
'The ECAC team is arriving in Pakistan tomorrow [Monday] to conduct training of our inspectors on two key areas of Explosives Trace Detection (ETD) and Explosive Detection Dogs (EDD),' PCAA Director of Aviation Security Shahid Qadir told Arab News.
'The training aims to enhance their ability to inspect explosive detection machines as well as guide the handlers of detection dogs on key focus areas and essential elements to ensure the highest standards of inspection.'
Qadir said the PCAA is committed to meeting international standards and ensuring that the credentials of Pakistani inspectors align with those required in Europe and the US.
The two-member ECAC team will conduct a four-day training program at Islamabad International Airport, where 12 aviation security compliance inspectors are expected to participate.
'The two-member ECAC team will conduct a four-day training at Islamabad International Airport, where twelve of our aviation security regulatory inspectors will receive the training,' Qadir said.
'They will conduct the training and certify the inspectors upon its completion.'
The training is expected to reinforce Pakistan's international credibility, as aviation security is the most frequently audited area in international oversight and the first thing regulators review is the profile of inspectors, the PCAA official added.
'When they see the courses, training, and certifications our inspectors have completed, they recognize that we meet international standards.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Arab News
10 hours ago
- Arab News
North Africa must look south to boost trade
Rising tariffs, geopolitical fragmentation, and persistent supply chain disruptions are roiling international trade. The World Trade Organization projects a 0.2 percent contraction in the global goods trade during 2025, which could deepen to 1.5 percent if tensions escalate. UN Trade and Development warns that policy uncertainty is eroding business confidence and will slow global growth to 2.3 percent in 2025. Against this backdrop, developing economies are under mounting pressure to diversify partnerships and reduce external dependencies. The pressure is particularly acute in North Africa. The region, comprising Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Mauritania, and Tunisia, has long been tethered to European economic cycles. In 2023, the EU accounted for 45.2 percent of North Africa's trade, making the region vulnerable to any slowdown in European demand. At the same time, North Africa has played a marginal role in international commerce, accounting for only 3.7 percent of global trade in 2023. But this moment of uncertainty also represents a strategic opportunity for North Africa to look southward toward the fast-growing markets of Sub-Saharan Africa, which currently account for just 2.4 percent of North Africa's total trade. As I, and others, argued nearly a decade ago, stronger economic ties within the continent could reshape regional growth trajectories. That continues to be true today. With economic growth in Sub-Saharan Africa estimated at 3.7 percent in 2024 and projected to rise to 4 percent in 2025, the rest of the continent offers many opportunities to North African businesses as an emerging market for manufactured exports, and as a region for the expansion of value chains. North African products, particularly from the automotive, fisheries, food processing, pharmaceuticals, and textiles sectors, would likely be well received in Sub-Saharan Africa, owing to their higher quality and competitive prices. The region's full integration with Sub-Saharan Africa would bring the largest gains in trade. Audrey Verdier-Chouchane Some progress has been made toward increasing intra-African trade and North Africa's role in it. Morocco recently became the continent's leading automobile exporter, for example, with sales of $6.4 billion in 2023. Many of these cars went to West Africa, in part as a result of regional free-trade agreements. Some North African countries belong to economic communities in other regions, including the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, and the Community of Sahel-Saharan States. But it is the ambitious African Continental Free Trade Area, or AfCFTA, that offers the best chance for deeper continental integration. It came into effect in 2021 and has 54 active members, making it the world's largest free-trade area in terms of membership. North Africa could play an important role in driving growth and enhancing trade within this area. The region has about 200 million consumers and occupies a strategic geographical position between Europe, the Middle East, and Sub-Saharan Africa. It also possesses significant natural resources, a diversified industrial base, and relatively well-developed human capital, and economic infrastructure. AfCFTA is widely expected to boost economic growth, private-sector development, investment, and capital flows across the continent. A forthcoming study by the African Development Bank to assess the effect of the free trade area on regional economies, using the Global Trade Analysis Project model, suggests that this is especially true for North Africa. Under every scenario, North Africa's gross domestic product, and its components, are projected to increase by 2031. The region's full integration with Sub-Saharan Africa would bring the largest gains in trade (5.5 percent) and GDP (0.77 percent). The study also predicts that implementing AfCFTA will lead to a decline in poverty and an increase in wages for both skilled and unskilled workers in the region. The main downside of AfCFTA is in the fiscal domain. The African Development Bank study anticipates a reduction of customs revenues in North African countries; the least affected will be those that have already entered into bilateral free-trade agreements, or have relatively high levels of economic diversification and strong productive capacities. There are also major barriers to realizing the potential of intracontinental trade, including inadequate infrastructure, tariff-harmonization challenges, and limited institutional coordination across Africa's regional economic communities. But given the overall potential benefits, North African economies should make implementation of AfCFTA a high priority. Enhanced intra-African trade flows would promote further economic diversification, job creation, investment, and GDP growth, generating long-term prosperity and private sector development in North Africa. In a fracturing global economy, regional solidarity has taken on new importance. By fully committing to AfCFTA and strengthening ties with partners in Sub-Saharan Africa, North Africa can chart a new path toward inclusive, resilient, and sustainable growth. • Audrey Verdier-Chouchane is lead economist for the North Africa region at the African Development Bank. ©Project Syndicate


Arab News
10 hours ago
- Arab News
Why EU's ties with China are likely to remain tense
Relations between the EU and China last reached a mini-high during Donald Trump's disruptive first presidency, when Beijing and Brussels agreed a Comprehensive Agreement on Investment. However, bilateral ties have not warmed during Trump's second term in the White House, despite the US president threatening to instigate several new trade wars with his tariff policies. Certainly, the mood between the EU and China is generally constructive and both sides are keen to showcase some achievements in relations during this landmark year, which marks the 50th anniversary of bilateral ties. This includes during their upcoming annual summit on July 24, when European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and European Council President Antonio Costa will hold talks with Chinese President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Qiang. Both sides stress that they have no insuperable conflicts of interest, and instead share common economic and political interests that are deepening. Underneath this high diplomacy, however, growing challenges are chilling relations, including the issue of the war in Ukraine. Take the example of rare earths. This is a topic on which von der Leyen and Costa will this week urge China to end restrictions that require EU-based exporters to secure licenses from Beijing, which controls more than 90 percent of the global processing capacity for these key metals. During the G7 Summit in June, von der Leyen accused China of 'coercion' and 'blackmail' over the measures, asserting that 'no single country should control 80-90 percent of the market for essential raw materials and downstream products like magnets.' On the economic front, China's trade surplus with the EU hit a record high in May, and now stands at about €400 billion ($465 billion). One of the steps the EU has taken in response is to levy tariffs of up to 35 percent on Chinese electric vehicles, citing unfair subsidies. Beijing retaliated with inquiries into the European dairy and brandy sectors. In the face of these proliferating challenges, von der Leyen, Costa, and other top EU officials are trying to build a broader, bloc-wide stance on China. This reflects the fact that Brussels has struggled at times to find common purpose across all 27 EU member states on the issue, especially those such as Hungary that are more sympathetic to Beijing. Worse still, leading EU officials have become increasingly concerned in recent years about whether the nature of China's external interventions in Europe represent a strategy of divide-and-rule in an attempt to undermine the continent's collective interests. The former EU foreign affairs chief, Joseph Borrell, even asserted that Beijing was a 'systemic rival that seeks to promote an alternative model of governance' to that of Europe. Von der Leyen said more recently that 'China has an entirely different system' with 'unique instruments at its disposal to play outside the rules.' Brussels has sought to unite the bloc around a stronger policy toward China. Andrew Hammond The backstory to this is that Europe is becoming an increasingly important foreign policy focal point for Beijing, economically and politically. The rising superpower had generally enjoyed growing influence across much of the region, at least until the COVID-19 pandemic. In the past five years, however, since the pandemic and Russia's invasion of Ukraine, relations have become chillier. This has affected issues such as climate cooperation, with doubts reported about whether Beijing and Brussels will sign a joint climate action pledge during their upcoming summit, despite the precedent of previous important collaboration in this area. Brussels has therefore sought to unite the bloc around a stronger policy toward China, with von der Leyen taking the lead on the issue, even though the role of European Commission president does not include any formal foreign policy mandate. While the EU still deeply values its relationship with China, the direction of travel for policy on Beijing appears to be moving in a more hawkish direction. Even on issues in which breakthroughs have been made with China over the past five years, such as the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment in 2020, ratification of this key economic deal has stalled for years in the European Parliament as a result of deteriorating relations. A central challenge for von der Leyen, however, remains the splits within the 27-member bloc regarding views on Beijing. It is too simplistic to characterize this as an East-West dichotomy within the region, not least because Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban is perhaps China's biggest cheerleader in the EU. There are nonetheless differences in outlook, primarily between hawkish Eastern European nations such as the Czech Republic, Poland, and Lithuania, versus Western counterparts such as France and Spain that do much more bilateral business with China. The positions of those Western European nations can be particularly problematic for Brussels, given that both Paris and Madrid want extensive economic engagement with China to continue. The longstanding, deep business ties between Paris and Beijing are widely documented, so it is no surprise that President Emmanuel Macron is sometimes more equivocal than von der Leyen on the issue of China. During a joint visit with her to Beijing in 2023, the French president raised eyebrows in Europe by taking a large business delegation with him. He also utilized the language of economic reciprocity, rather than the European Commission president's preferred choice of 'derisking,' and did not appear to put significant pressure on China regarding its support for Russia in Ukraine. This challenging context underlines why the upcoming summit might underdeliver on even the low expectations that surround it. Overall EU relations with China are likely to remain chilly for the foreseeable future, and could yet go into a deep freeze during von der Leyen's second term as European Commission president. • Andrew Hammond is an associate at LSE IDEAS at the London School of Economics.


Saudi Gazette
12 hours ago
- Saudi Gazette
EU launches talks with GCC countries for bilateral strategic agreements
BRUSSELS — The European Commission and the High Representative have welcomed the European Council's decision to authorize the opening of bilateral negotiations with each of the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries — Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Oman — with the aim of concluding Strategic Partnership Agreements (SPAs). The proposed SPAs are designed to establish modern, ambitious, and comprehensive frameworks for cooperation, tailored to the EU's shared priorities with each GCC partner. The move follows the 2022 Joint Communication on a Strategic Partnership with the Gulf and builds on momentum from the October 2024 EU–GCC Summit in Brussels. The agreements are set to cover a broad range of sectors, including foreign policy, security, justice, trade and investment, climate and energy, digital transformation, education, culture, and enhanced people-to-people engagement. Brussels described the SPAs as a strategic shift in EU-Gulf relations, positioning them to address mutual challenges and unlock shared opportunities across the rapidly evolving Middle East region. Negotiations are expected to begin soon, with the order and pace determined by each GCC country's level of EU emphasized that these new SPAs will complement existing regional and bilateral cooperation frameworks, including Free Trade Agreement talks already underway. — SG