
Twelve Hong Kong activists appeal convictions in landmark ‘47 democrats' case
HONG KONG--Twelve Hong Kong pro-democracy activists appealed their subversion convictions and jail terms on Monday in a national security case that has spotlighted Beijing's ongoing crackdown on dissent and drawn international criticism.
The appeal stems from the '47 democrats' case, named for the number of activists who were arrested and charged with 'conspiracy to commit subversion' in early 2021.
The court eventually found 45 of the defendants guilty of organising and holding an unofficial primary election in July 2020 after massive pro-democracy protests brought the city to a standstill. Prosecutors considered the action to be a 'plot' to undermine the Hong Kong government.
Security was tight around the West Kowloon law courts building as scores of police officers, some with police dogs, patrolled the area and occasionally searched passers-by.
'I want to see all of them,' said an elderly man surnamed Wong who was among around 100 people queuing to get a public ticket for the hearing. 'They're not criminals.'
Foreign diplomats from over half a dozen countries were in attendance for this latest stage of the legal saga that began with dawn police raids on the homes of high-profile democrats in early 2021.
Some countries such as the United States have condemned the case as 'politically motivated' and are calling for the immediate release of the democrats who were sentenced last November to prison terms of up to ten years.
Hong Kong and Chinese authorities, however, have defended the independence of the judiciary and say no one is above the law and the democrats have received a fair trial.
Of the 16 democrats who pleaded not guilty during the trial, 11 have decided to appeal, including Gordon Ng, Gwyneth Ho and Owen Chow, who were all jailed for over seven years. Another democrat, Prince Wong, who pleaded guilty, is appealing her sentence.
One defendant, Michael Pang, decided to withdraw his application on Monday.
The appeals are expected to take around 10 days and will also include a government appeal against the acquittal of one of the democrats, barrister Lawrence Lau.
A years-long crackdown under a China-imposed national security law has resulted in arrests, the closures of liberal media outlets and civil society groups. The last two remaining pro-democracy parties, the Democratic Party and the League of Social Democrats, disbanded this year citing growing pressures.
The case is one of the most prominent so far under a 2020 national security law that was imposed by China in response to mass pro-democracy protests in 2019.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


SoraNews24
an hour ago
- SoraNews24
Toy guns won from crane games all over Japan could be used as real guns, warn police
Good thing those machines are really hard to win at. You can win all kinds of things from crane games in Japan, from slices of cake to not-so-precious gemstones. So, it's perhaps only mildly surprising that the National Police Agency issued a warning that illegal firearms were also up for grabs by mechanical claws in game centers across Japan. According to the NPA, some 16,000 Real Gimmick Mini Revolvers were imported to Japan from China and used as prizes in crane games. The brightly colored pistols came with a set of eight plastic bullets that can be used to ping cans or annoy siblings, with a recommended age of 12 and up. However, the specs of the gun itself are such that it could also potentially be used to fire live ammunition as well. ▼ I guess it's right there in the name. The gimmick is that they're real. This is a surprisingly common problem, and the NPA has also released a list of 16 other Chinese-manufactured guns that could potentially fire real bullets due to the use of a hard enough plastic or metal hammer in the correct position and a large enough barrel. Anyone with these toys should be aware they are in possession of an illegal firearm and turn them over to the police as soon as possible. And of course, no one should ever attempt to shoot live rounds from any of them for many reasons, but a big one is that they are just toys and run an extremely high risk of blowing up in the shooter's hand before ever letting off a shot that would go nowhere near its intended target. The Real Gimmick Mini was found by the Hyogo Prefectural Police to have been one such gun, when they discovered one while investigating a home on a separate matter. The gun was confirmed to be dangerous by forensic testing afterward, and subsequent efforts have so far recovered 450 of the toys. Comments online were surprised that a potentially lethal weapon could not only get into the country but into the nation's crane games as well. Some also felt the importers should be punished or more closely regulated to stop this from happening again. 'Shouldn't they be catching this stuff when it's imported?' 'It's not even a good toy. I'd be mad if I was given it as a prize.' 'Is this a way for people to smuggle guns? That's scary.' 'Yakuza and half grey members are probably all flocking to game centers now.' 'It's not exactly the most discreet weapon either.' 'Good luck getting bullets anyway.' 'They're even more dangerous because they can't shoot straight.' 'Make the importers track them all down and then arrest them.' No charges have been announced against the importers, and it seems very likely they were completely unaware that these toy guns could possibly be used as real guns. Even the producers were probably oblivious to the toy guns' potential, as game center prizes manufactured in China aren't exactly known to be the pinnacle of craftsmanship. At least it's good to know the threat these thousands of potential guns pose is rather low because ammunition is incredibly hard to come by in Japan. However, if crane games suddenly start offering plastic Real Gimmick Exploding Bullet toys, then we'd be in trouble. Source: National Police Agency 1, 2, Yomiuri Shimbun, My Game News Flash Featured image: National Police Agency Insert image: National Police Agency 1, 2 ● Want to hear about SoraNews24's latest articles as soon as they're published? Follow us on Facebook and Twitter!


The Diplomat
an hour ago
- The Diplomat
Where Climate Fits in China-EU Engagement During Trump 2.0
Europe and China are taking steps to strengthen ties where possible, despite a complicated relationship, as Donald Trump's second term as U.S. president assaults the frameworks that their economies and climate security rely on. On July 24, top political leaders from both sides will meet in Beijing for the EU-China summit. This high-level meeting underscores the political imperative. But the China-EU summit in past years has mostly lacked concrete deliverables, in part due to the increasing complexity of China-EU relations. It's worthwhile for diplomats to identify some near-term goals to get this high-speed reconciliation underway. Ultimately, the EU and China's strategic assessments of each other may not have changed drastically. But the man ruling the White House is a significant factor in altering the context, providing both sides with the incentive and need to make meaningful progress. As the two sides prepare for the July summit, trade is the most prominent topic, with ongoing but challenging negotiations. While it is unclear whether consensus will be reached on trade arrangements, there is a good chance that high-level exchanges in environmental and climate areas can deliver progress. In fact, 'climate change, biodiversity, and advancing the green transition' were listed as the only 'areas of shared interest' in the European Council's preview of the summit. Despite ongoing tensions over clean tech trade, both sides still share a common interest in bolstering the global energy transition, strengthening multilateralism, and pushing back against unilateralism, isolationism, and climate denialism. The EU-China High-Level Dialogue on Environment and Climate, which concluded two weeks before the Leaders' Summit, is a strong demonstration of common ground. The fact that these topics enjoy significant overlap in the China-EU relationship is a great strength, and that shouldn't be ignored. It's also worth noting that, compared to Trump 1.0, when the cost of renewable energy was still higher than the cheapest fossil fuels in many parts of the world, today the cost incentives of the energy systems are on the side of progress and stronger deployment of climate solutions. China issued red alerts for flood risk in late June, for the first but likely not the last time this year. Meanwhile, heatwaves are scorching Europe. As both sides enter climate disaster season, projecting extreme heat and rainfall, the urgent need for collaboration on climate issues could not be more clear. Neither side has delivered its 2035 climate plan, known under the Paris Agreement as their nationally-determined contributions (NDCs). Better alignment on timing and the ambition level of NDCs stands out as a major opportunity to strengthen the global energy transition and bilateral ties. Over the next few weeks, alignment between China and the EU will benefit greatly from coordination on identifying important yet feasible deliverables on both sides' agendas at multilateral fora. The China-EU summit provides an opportunity for the highest-level political exchanges on each side's respective climate targets, offering an important chance for leaders from both sides to clarify their ambitions and timeline. So far, signals from China have not offered enough reassurance. Chinese policymakers have adopted a conservative approach to defining what is possible for climate action, compromising in the face of economic pressure and geopolitical tensions. Policymakers in Beijing still tend to see ambitious climate action as an economic burden, despite China's technological and manufacturing strength in climate solutions. This way of thinking is perhaps outdated. In fact, an ambitious NDC would boost China's economy and earn it recognition as a responsible global power. A strong plan from China needs to feature both targets to further expand wind and solar energy and clear measures to limit coal. Together, these efforts will lead to a robust pathway for reducing emissions and keep alive the global goal of limiting warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius. On the European side, the EU projects itself as a global leader when it comes to climate action. Over the last year, this image has been damaged. Inside the EU, several governments and political parties are pushing to slow down climate action and lower climate ambition. In Trumpian fashion, some want to do away with it altogether. This is further cause for alarm at such a crucial time, with the world on the brink of missing the chance to limit global warming to 1.5 C. The EU has now started the legislative process to establish its climate target for 2040, following the publication of the European Commission's proposal on July 2. The proposed target is a 90 percent net reduction in greenhouse gas emissions compared to 1990 levels, but it includes the use of 'high quality' carbon credits for up to 3 percent of this target, and starting from 2036 only (meaning it won't impact the NDC). The EU's climate target for 2035 will be agreed after a special Environment Council of member states on September 18. For China's climate target, President Xi Jinping in April offered a loosely defined timeline that the 2035 target would come out before COP30, to be held in November 2025, and China remains attentive to the actions of other key players. That puts this moment in China-EU relations at the center of the global climate effort in a year where progress on climate will be seen as a bellwether for multilateralism and the ability of the global climate process to fortify itself from unilateral attacks on science and clean tech industries. No two parties are better positioned to strengthen the pylons than China and the EU.


The Diplomat
an hour ago
- The Diplomat
Rare Earths Are the Key to Winning the China-US Trade War
To accumulate industrial leverage over the U.S., China played the long game. The U.S. must do the same. Imagine the China-U.S. trade war as two opposing armies exchanging bursts of gunfire, one volley after another. Responding to China's unfair trade practices, the United States imposed tariffs on a broad range of Chinese exports. In turn, China restricted rare earth exports necessary for American automotive and defense manufacturing. The U.S. retaliated by freezing jet engine sales, technology that China can't find anywhere else. Then came a lull. In June, President Donald Trump announced that China would resume exports of rare earths, in return for the U.S. providing China with the student visas it wanted. Subsequently, the U.S. and China announced a formalized agreement to resume Chinese heavy rare earth exports, while the United States will resume jet engine, software, and ethanol exports. But this isn't a truce. It's only a ceasefire in a trade war that is likely to erupt again and again in the coming years. China left its growing infrastructure for export controls in place: rare earth export licenses require sensitive information disclosures and only last for six months. And once the trade war breaks out again, the United States may find that China has more ammunition than it does. To accumulate this much industrial leverage over the U.S., China played the long game. The U.S. should take this pause in the trade war to begin doing the same. As China grew to become an industrial superpower over the last three decades, it encouraged other manufacturing countries, particularly the U.S., to rely on it as the primary supplier for dozens of critical minerals. The dependence is even more stark in rare earths: China's export licensing regime caused U.S. imports of high-performance magnets to fall by 93 percent. This adds up to Chinese leverage in the short, medium, and long term. Right now, it can choose to cut off access to minerals and slow the pace of U.S. reindustrialization. The short-lived rare earth restrictions already forced a Ford plant to halt production, and the company, like many other carmakers, is scrambling to find a supply of magnets. In the coming months and years, this dynamic could force manufacturers to move American industry to China, if that remains the only way of accessing strategic materials. More than just slowing reindustrialization, China's export controls could cause further deindustrialization in the U.S. Over the long term, China's intent is clear: keep the rest of the world hooked on Chinese raw materials. As long as the United States' most essential commercial and military products rely on Chinese strategic materials, the U.S provides Beijing with an informal veto over American foreign and domestic policy. Absent U.S. action, this dynamic won't change. The U.S. can't afford to sit by while China begins to exert the leverage that it has built up over the last few decades. The U.S. response should similarly be framed over short-, medium-, and long-term goals. The United States' immediate need is to retain access to strategic materials from China and keep the manufacturing base alive. This is why Trump's agreement with China was so important: the U.S. can't reindustrialize without using Chinese raw materials in the near term. But now with temporary access, the medium-term goal must be developing alternative supply chains to meet the United States' military and commercial industrial needs. Time is an imperative: the search for a perfect set of critical policies induces a costly paralysis. Policymakers need to acknowledge trade-offs. In some cases, this means trying out a range of programs, some of which will ultimately fail. Now that the Senate has passed Trump's One Big Beautiful Bill, there's a wide-open space for consequential policies. Undoing the theory that developing the electric vehicle supply chain would boost critical mineral resilience, the bill repeals EV subsidies and sunsets provisions of the advanced manufacturing tax credit. But the bill leaves the door open to new investment by allocating billions for critical mineral and industrial base financing. That funding needs to flow to effective programs. The United States' long-term goal should be independence – not from the rest of the world, just from China. On some level, the American people recognize this. Between 1990 and 2020, the American public went from thinking of China as a Japan-type competitor to a Soviet Union-like threat. But over that period, the scale and character of U.S. trade with China remained much closer to that of Japan than the Soviets. A fundamental readjustment of the United States' trade patterns with China isn't just necessary, it's long overdue. To that end, the United States should play both defense and offense in trade. Defensive measures insulate the U.S. from the Chinese supply shocks and unfair trade practices that contribute to the forcible deindustrialization of the American heartland. Offensive strategies would increase the number of technologies that China relies on the U.S. for, gradually rebalancing leverage away from Beijing. The Department of Defense's recent investment in MP Materials, a U.S. rare earth producer, offers a roadmap for the future. The terms of the deal include $400 million equity investment from DOD, more than $1 billion in public-government loans to construct new processing facilities, and establishing a price floor for MP's rare earth output. In the intervening days, Apple and MP announced a $500 million commitment to purchase magnets and develop a recycling plant in Texas. With DOD and other government agencies leading the way in investment, offtake agreements, and permitting, U.S. firms will help adjust the supply and demand constraints necessary for developing a fully integrated domestic supply chain. While the specifics will vary from mineral to mineral, deals like these will be the way forward. But if the U.S. does nothing to shift this balance of power, China will always be able to use the leverage that it built up over the past few decades. China could use access to raw materials to stop us from imposing further restrictions on advanced technologies, or even force the U.S. to loosen advanced technology transfer restrictions. The United States would be able to do little about it. In gray-zone economic warfare, trade leverage becomes its own kind of armament. The United States should arm itself aggressively to pursue strategies that take ammunition away from the Chinese. When that next round of trade war sniping breaks out, the U.S. will want more firepower than it has now.