‘History determines politics': Ex-AG says good time to revisit M'sia's formation

Daily Express

11 hours ago

Published on: Sunday, July 13, 2025
Published on: Sun, Jul 13, 2025
By: David Thien Text Size: TOMMY said the concerns expressed by Sabahans and Sarawakians of domination by the Centre made its naked appearance within three years of Malaysia's formation. 'Stephen Kalong Ningkan's removal as Sarawak Chief Minister and his replacement by a pliable Penghulu Tawi Sli, made predictions of Kuala Lumpur's domination come true very quickly. 'The outbreak of the May 1969 riots in Kuala Lumpur without any manifestation in East Malaysia, the National Emergency that followed and the introduction of the National Economic Policy in 1971, proved critics right that race-based politics would be exported to East Malaysia.' Tommy said the politics that developed over the 60 years since 1963 is best understood against the historical background of the Federation. 'History determines politics. Without a past, how to understand the present or hope for the future? Hence, it is critical to consider the genesis of Malaysia's formation, which takes us back to the British Empire and World War II. As we complete the first quarter of the 21st century, this is as good a time as any to revisit our foundation. 'The major actors in this decolonisation exercise of the British Empire were Britain, Malaya, Singapore, North Borneo, Sarawak and Brunei. Also playing a starring role were neighbouring Indonesia and Philippines, each hostile to any federation.' 'The United States looked at every development in international affairs from Cold War lenses.' 'Finally, the United Nations was directly involved in the final months of its creation. Prime Ministers Harold MacMillan and Tunku Abdul Rahman were pivotal, with Lee Kuan Yew having a significant presence. Leading the Opposition were the charismatic leaders of the Third World, President Sukarno and President Macapagal of the Philippines.' 'As one would expect, each of the nations and its leaders had differing interests in supporting or opposing the establishment of Malaysia.' 'None of their national interests were identical. Accordingly, it is proposed to consider how each of them acted in the run-up to 1963.' 'The primary source of information on the decision-making is found in the collection of documents compiled by one of Malaya's foremost historians, Professor Anthony Stockwell in the 'British Documents on the End of Empire' in the dedicated volume on Malaysia. 'Upon the reduction to 30 years of official documents for public release by the Wilson Government in 1965, nearly all the files and records became available for publication.' 'The Malaysia volume was published in 2004. Obviously, these documents tell the story of the making of Malaysia from the perspective of British policy-makers, but with that caveat, it is a treasure trove.' Tommy said the post-war separation of Singapore and Malaya was deeply regretted, not only by the Left but also by many British policy-makers not least on economic grounds, but the prospect of merger was always kept alive. 'In a despatch dated 25th October 1960 from Lord Selkirk, the UK High Commissioner in Singapore, to Iain MacLeod, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, British policy was succinctly stated as follows:- 'Our first recommendation is that Her Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom should accept as the ultimate aim of their policy the development of a political association between Malaya, Singapore and the Borneo territories such as would enable them to take their place within the Commonwealth as a single entity strong enough to resist encroachment from their neighbours or from Communist China. 'Though the exact form of union, federation or confederation that might emerge cannot be foreseen at this stage, we consider that some such broad association provides the only satisfactory evolution which will safeguard in the longer term not only the security, economic development and welfare of the territories themselves, but also, on a basis of consent, the United Kingdom's own essential defence interests consisting of the base in Singapore and the necessary deployment areas outside it.' However, this was met by this response from Sir William Goode, Governor of then North Borneo:- 'North Borneo is a strikingly beautiful country of happy, friendly people, busy building and planting for the future and still content with colonial rule.' He narrated that as the 1960's began, British foreign policy was to reduce or eliminate her colonial and defence commitments globally. MacMillan's famous 'Wind of Change' theme was announced in Ghana in January 1960, and repeated in Cape Town in February 1960. British policy in South-East Asia must, therefore, be viewed against the background of its overall imperial policy amid the setting of the British Sun all over the world. 'With regard to her remaining colonies in South-East Asia, a high-level Committee reported to Prime Minister MacMillan in October 1960. The aims of the British Government were stated by that Committee as follows:- (a) to contain Communism; (b) to maintain Western influence; The United Kingdom also has certain special obligations in the area:- (a) as the centre of the Commonwealth and the Sterling area; (b) to her dependent territories, notably responsibility for Hong Kong and prevention of Communist control over Singapore.' Tommy noted that constraints on UK's defence policy were highlighted, viz, that British resources and facilities could not continue for another decade (that is, into the 1970s) on 'present scales and in present terms'. More decisive was the high-cost factor in the light of her economic situation. A review of her defence role in South-East Asia was, therefore, urgently needed. At the same time, the total withdrawal of British forces could not be contemplated because that would mean abandoning her colonial responsibilities and her defence treaty with Malaya. 'The making of Malaysia, at least from the British perspective, also had an economic dimension. The British economy faced balance of payments problems and galloping defence costs associated with the Cold War. Stockwell writes:- 'Strategies of decolonisation could help Britain address these problems if, by moving from formal to informal empire, it found a new role in the world. With respect to South-East Asia, the 'Grand Design' for a 'Greater Malaysia' might perpetuate Britain's influence in the post-colonial period. Those in British governing circles who welcomed Malaysia did so on account of its expected benefits for Britain.' Tommy: 'Hence, the condemnation of Malaysia from the Left as 'neo-colonialism', had ample justification, that is, the pursuit of imperialism by indirect means through favourite proxies or cronies.' What were British economic interests in real terms? British private capital investment in Malaya was estimated at about £400 million (compared with £335 million in India and £108 in Pakistan). British exports were valued at £60 million annually, while 22 per cent of Malaysia's imports were from the mother country. 'In early 1963, Sir Geofroy Tory, the United Kingdom High Commissioner in Kuala Lumpur, observed that Britain had 'a very big financial stake in Malaya and a considerable vested interest in the maintenance of a stable and prosperous Malayan economy'. Nonetheless, the impact of economic factors should not be exaggerated, for ultimately the security of the region and the cost of maintaining it was the overriding consideration. Stockwell summarised British policy this way:- 'The prospects for the 'Grand Design' were, therefore, assessed from the strategic perspective not the economic. Bases not markets, security not commerce, international influence not investment opportunities dominated the thinking of British ministers and officers'. In summary, the compelling attraction of Greater Malaysia for the United Kingdom was the prospect of retaining influence while reducing expenditure. Hence, the United Kingdom's objective to continue to play a dominant role in world affairs generally, and as a major former colonial power in South-East Asia at reduced cost, would be accomplished in the new Federation.