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Tunisian President's crackdown swipes out at opposition – DW – 07/11/2025

Tunisian President's crackdown swipes out at opposition – DW – 07/11/2025

DW4 days ago
Tunisian President Kais Saied enters his fifth year of authoritarian rule by sentencing politicians to lengthy jail terms. Is he taking aim at corruption — or eliminating the opposition for good?
For Tunisian President Kais Saied, the latest mass trial in Tunis' primary court has made sure that he won't have to worry about dissent from 21 of his fiercest political opponents for many years to come.
On Tuesday, politicians and officials, including opposition leader Rached Ghannouchi, were sentenced to between 12 to 35 years in prison.
Ghannouchi, the 86-year-old leader of Tunisia's Islamist Ennahda party and former speaker of the parliament, refused to appear in court, where he was given a 14-year sentence for forming a "secret security apparatus."
By staying in his cell, where he has been since April 2023, he upheld his boycott of Tunisia's judiciary, which he deems politically manipulated. Together with the latest verdict, his prison time now adds up to 27 years.Ten of those convicted for charges of terrorism, violence, or attempts to overthrow the government are already in jail.
The other 11 convicted politicians have already left the country. Among them are Tunisia's former Prime Minister Youssef Chahed, former Foreign Minister Rafik Abdessalem, Nadia Akacha, Saied's former chief of staff, and Tasnim and Mouadh Ghannouchi, the children of Rached Ghannouchi.
However, as they would be arrested upon return, the verdicts essentially bar them from entering the country or becoming politically active in Tunisia for decades.
"The verdicts issued in the latest 'Conspiring Case 2' are a new wave of persecution of the opposition and an attempt to isolate and marginalize it," Riad Chaibi, a Tunisian politician and advisor of Rached Ghannouchi, told DW.
"The judiciary's subservience to political directives means that these verdicts do not reflect the supremacy of the law, nor do they reflect justice and the conditions of a fair trial," he said.
In his view, the verdicts issued in this and other cases have a purely political background.
Also Bassam Khawaja, Deputy Director of the Middle East and North Africa Division at Human Rights Watch regards the latest verdicts as part of a broader pattern in which the Tunisian authorities target the political opposition.
"We haven't seen all of the evidence in these cases, but the authorities are frequently using corruption or financial crimes' accusations to go after political opponents, activists, journalists, human rights defenders in a way that's very clearly abusive," Khawaja told DW.
"At this point it is very obvious that these trials are not fair," he said, adding that "essentially they are clearing the field to ensure that there is no political opposition within Tunisia."
Saied's increasing crackdown on Tunisia's opposition stands in stark contrast with his views when he became president in 2019.
At the time, the politically independent former law professor garnered a majority of 72% and broad public support for his vows to tackle corruption, and to modernize the state while upholding Tunisia's democracy.
However, after two unremarkable years, Saied developed a taste forpower consolidation . Since then, the now 67-year-old has dismantled most democratic bodies, including the country's judiciary.
In late 2024, Saied secured a second term in a vote that observers deemed neither free nor democratic. Tunisia's rights situation has also taken a turn for the worse. Most candidates were either not admitted or imprisoned. Scores of journalists and activists were jailed.
In Saied's view, however, all of these steps are justified to shore up the country's "war of national liberation" and to end corruption.
For Riccardo Fabiani, director of the North Africa Project at the conflict-prevention NGO International Crisis Group, points out that Tunisia's "structural corruption problem" has deep roots.
"Undoubtedly there are a lot of politicians and entrepreneurs in Tunisia that have broken rules and bribed whoever they needed to bribe to achieve their goals, whether these were political or business goals," he said, adding that the current clampdown was not motivated by an honest urge to uproot corruption.
"By using the accusation of corruption, the president is trying to stifle the opposition," Fabiani said, describing corruption as "a pretext."
Meanwhile, Saied is under no pressure to alter his increasingly undemocratic course.
"There is not strong enough internal mobilization against him and his increasingly authoritarian rule," said Fabiani. "There is no external pressure whatsoever, particularly from Europe, given that the European Union and European governments are benefiting from Tunisia's role controlling migration."
Despite this, Ghannouchi's advisor and oppositional politician Riad Chaibi stresses that he is not going to give up. "We will continue the struggle to restore the democratic process and release all political prisoners," he told DW. "There are many voices in this country... We believe that our path will ultimately triumph."
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Syrian Druze Say Govt Mission Of Peace Devolved Into Rampage
Syrian Druze Say Govt Mission Of Peace Devolved Into Rampage

Int'l Business Times

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  • Int'l Business Times

Syrian Druze Say Govt Mission Of Peace Devolved Into Rampage

The mainly Druze residents of the Syrian city of Sweida had hoped the arrival of government forces on Tuesday would spell an end to deadly sectarian clashes with local Bedouin tribes. Instead they spoke of executions, looting and arson as government troops and their allies rampaged through Druze neighbourhoods, prompting thousands from the religious minority to flee. "Government forces entered the city on the pretext of restoring order... but unfortunately they indulged in savage practices," said Rayan Maarouf, editor in chief of the Suwayda 24 news website. "There have been cases of civilians being killed... dozens of them... but we don't have precise figures," he added, blaming government fighters and their allies. According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, government forces executed 12 civilians in a guesthouse in the city, in just one incident among many said to have taken place in the area. Syria's defence minister had declared a "complete ceasefire" in the city late Tuesday morning, but locals said the announcement had little effect on the ground. An AFP correspondent who entered Sweida shortly after government forces reported dead bodies left lying on deserted streets as sporadic gunfire rang out. "I'm in the centre of Sweida. There are executions, houses and shops that have been torched, and robberies and looting," one Sweida resident holed up in his home told AFP by phone. "One of my friends who lives in the west of the city told me that they entered his home, chased out his family after taking their mobile phones and then set fire to it," added the resident, who asked not to be identified for fear of retribution. AFP correspondents saw smoke rising over several areas of the city of some 150,000 people. Another resident said he had seen armed men in civilian clothes "looting shops and setting fire to them". "They're firing indiscriminately, I am afraid to leave the house," he said, adding that he regretted "not leaving before they arrived". It is a scenario that has played out multiple times since the overthrow of longtime ruler Bashar al-Assad by Islamist rebels in December. In each case, former rebels recruited into the new Syrian army were joined by fighters without any clear uniform, and violence against civilians ensued. The worst episode was in March, when more than 1,700 civilians were killed along Syria's Mediterranean coast -- most of them members of the ousted president's Alawite community -- in attacks carried out by government forces and their allies. On Tuesday, government forces entered Sweida with the stated aim of ending the sectarian violence that had claimed more than 100 lives earlier this week. But the Observatory, Druze leaders and witnesses said they entered the city accompanied by Bedouin fighters, and joined with them in attacking the Druze. One AFP video showed Bedouin fighters riding through the streets on a government tank, brandishing their weapons in celebration. The fighters toppled several statues in public squares, AFP images showed. Hardline Islamists believe such representations of the human form to be idolatrous. Unverified video footage circulating on social media showed armed men forcibly shaving off the moustache of an elderly Druze, a grave insult in the community. The Israeli military said it had carried out several air strikes on the forces that entered Sweida. An AFP correspondent saw one Syrian army vehicle in the city centre that had taken a direct hit. Several bodies were left dangling over its sides. The Israeli military said it was acting to protect the Druze, although some analysts have said that was a pretext for pursuing its own military goals. Thousands of the city's residents fled, seeking safety nearer the Jordanian border, Maarouf said. In the nearby village of Walgha, an AFP correspondent found a group of displaced civilians sheltering in a mosque. Syria's security forces and their allies were accused of going on a rampage after being deployed to the mainly Druze city of Sweida AFP Some residents reported houses and shops torched as government forces and their allies entered town AFP

Hungary: Orban's new hate campaign against Ukraine – DW – 07/15/2025
Hungary: Orban's new hate campaign against Ukraine – DW – 07/15/2025

DW

timean hour ago

  • DW

Hungary: Orban's new hate campaign against Ukraine – DW – 07/15/2025

After an ethnic Hungarian conscript died in unexplained circumstances in Ukraine, Hungary's leader has renewed his campaign against the neighboring country. DW's research shows he has been spreading falsified videos. Hungary has only just concluded a months-long campaign against Ukraine aimed at blocking it from joining the EU. The autocratic prime minister, Viktor Orban, and his political apparatus have been portraying their neighboring country as a mafia state, overrun with hordes of dangerous criminals who would rob, kidnap, and kill Hungarian people. If people thought this was the nadir of Orban's anti-Ukraine propaganda, they are in for a disappointment. The Hungarian leadership is portraying the death of a recruit of Hungarian origin in Ukraine on July 6 as an attack on the Hungarian nation as a whole, declaring Ukraine to be a sort of evil empire. And he's taking this stance, even though the circumstances of the man's death are not clear. Orban has claimed that "a Hungarian citizen was beaten to death in Ukraine." With no proof whatsoever, he is accusing Ukraine and the EU of covering up this supposed crime. He published a post on Facebook, on a black background, that read: "The truth cannot be silenced!" Pro-government Hungarian media have published hundreds of highly emotional articles about the conscript's death. Sandor Fegyir, Ukraine's ambassador to Budapest, was summoned — an unequivocal sign of anger in diplomatic circles. Hundreds of furious people, led by Orban's chief propagandist, Zsolt Bayer, demonstrated outside the Ukrainian embassy in the Hungarian capital. In a letter to the dead man's parents, the Hungarian president, Tamas Sulyok, wrote that he was "utterly horrified" by what he had heard about the circumstances leading to their son's death. "Such a thing cannot happen in Europe," he said, adding that it "completely contradicts all human values" represented by European nations. So what actually happened? The man in question was a 45-year-old named Jozsef Sebestyen from the city of Berehove in the Transcarpathian region of Ukraine, home to almost 100,000 ethnic Hungarians. Berehove itself, just a few kilometers from the border with Hungary, has a population of 23,000, and around half are ethnic Hungarians. Sebestyen ran a guesthouse, and, like many ethnic Hungarians in Transcarpathia, he had both Ukrainian and Hungarian citizenship. Like most Ukrainian citizens of fighting age, he was registered with the Ukrainian military administration (TZK) after the outbreak of full-scale war in February 2022. In mid-June of this year, he was stopped by TZK personnel at a roadside checkpoint in Berehove. Sebestyen was mobilized, declared fit for military service, and sent for basic training. On July 6, he died in a psychiatric clinic in Berehove. Those are the verified facts. As far as all other aspects of the case are concerned, accounts differ widely, and have not been verified. On July 9, the Hungarian pro-government portal Mandiner published a report that claimed Jozsef Sebestyen had been beaten with iron bars, so badly that he subsequently died of his injuries. The report cited and was based on a Facebook post by Sebestyen's sister Marta. However, this post either does not exist, or has been deleted. DW reached out to Marta Sebestyen, but she did not reply. We also contacted the editors of Mandiner, whose response was to publish an article declaring that they would not allow the issue to be "trivialized." After this, Mandiner also published videos that it said showed Jozsef Sebestyen after he was physically abused. In one video, he is seen kneeling in a field with paramedics and people in military uniform asking him questions. He has no visible injuries. After a while, he lets himself fall onto the grass. 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This video has also been posted by Viktor Orban on his TikTok and social media accounts. The news program Hirado has also misused a second video taken from Glagola's channel. This too was published on May 22, well before Sebestyen was mobilized. At the time of writing, neither the broadcaster MTVA nor the Hungarian office for government communication has responded to DW's written enquiries. In a statement dated July 10, 2025, the leadership of the Ukrainian land forces denied abusing Sebestyen in any way. The statement says he was brought to a training unit on June 15, 2025, and that he deserted three days later. It says he presented at the district hospital in Berehove on June 24, feeling unwell, and was transferred from there to a psychiatric hospital, where he died of a pulmonary embolism on July 6, "with no sign of any injuries indicative of violence." The Ukrainian foreign ministry accuses Hungary of exploiting the Sebestyen case in a "manipulative manner and for political purposes." Indeed, Viktor Orban not only claims that "a Hungarian was beaten to death in Ukraine" — he goes on to assert that "such a country cannot be allowed to become an EU member." It is a continuation of his campaign to prevent Ukraine from joining the EU. So far, though, despite intense propaganda, this has been only moderately successful. But the Sebestyen case is different. Many Hungarians are very emotionally invested in the concerns of ethnic Hungarians in neighboring countries. Orban's regime has revived the issue of the "Trianon trauma" — a taboo subject for many years. It's one that has resonated strongly with the people. Hungary lost two-thirds of its territory and population under the terms of the Treaty of Trianon, which was signed after World War One, in 1920. These days, around two million ethnic Hungarians live in neighboring countries. Many Hungarians have been shocked and dismayed by the death of Jozsef Sebestyen. However, many are also starting to weary of Viktor Orban. It remains to be seen whether his latest campaign will change that.

After huge US cuts, who pays for aid in the Middle East now? – DW – 07/15/2025
After huge US cuts, who pays for aid in the Middle East now? – DW – 07/15/2025

DW

time3 hours ago

  • DW

After huge US cuts, who pays for aid in the Middle East now? – DW – 07/15/2025

For the first time in 30 years, in 2024, some of the world's biggest spenders on aid and development cut funding. Now aid organizations in the Middle East are forced to seek new, potentially more demanding, donors. Ask around various civil society organizations working in the Middle East and the answer is always the same. "Nobody really knows what's happening," one project manager running a Syria-based project told DW about the US cuts in aid funding. "They haven't put a complete stop to it yet so we're just spending the money on a monthly basis and hoping for the best." "We still don't know if we're going to get the funding we were promised this year," the founder of an Iraqi journalists' network in Baghdad said. "We probably won't be able to pay some of our journalists. Right now, we're approaching other organizations to try to replace the money." Neither interviewee wanted their names published because they didn't want to criticize their donors publicly. They are not alone. Since US President Donald Trump took power, he has slashed US funding for what's known as "official development aid," or ODA. Often simply called foreign aid,the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Developmentdefines ODA as "government aid that promotes and specifically targets the economic development and welfare of developing countries." ODA can be bilateral — given from country to country — or multilateral, where funds are pooled by an organization like the UN, then disbursed. The US is not the only country cutting ODA. Even before what insiders described as the US' "chaotic" budget cuts, reductions in ODA were a longer-term pattern. Global ODA fell by over 7% in 2024, as European nations and the UK also reduced ODA in favor of channeling more money into defense. Last year marked the first time in nearly 30 years that major donors like France, Germany, the UK and the US all cut ODA. In 2023, countries in the Middle East got around $7.8 billion (€6.7 billion) out of the $42.4 billion (€36.3 billion) the US spent that year. That is why, Laith Alajlouni, a research associate at the International Institute for Strategic Studies in Bahrain, wrote in March, "the effects of US aid cuts … will be felt deeply in the Middle East, where key US partners continue to rely heavily on US assistance to meet their military and economic needs." Between 2014 and 2024, the US pledged around $106.8 billion to countries in the region. Israel gets just under a third of that, although much of the money is earmarked for military purposes. But for other countries, funds from the US were equivalent to a significant portion of their national income, Alajlouni pointed out. Now funding for emergency food and water in Sudan, medicines in Yemen, children's nutrition in Lebanon, and camps for the displaced, including families allegedly connected to the extremist "Islamic State" group in Syria are all are at risk, Alajlouni argues. Other countries, like Jordan and Egypt, are heavily reliant on foreign funding for "economic development" to keep their ailing economies afloat, he noted. It remains unclear exactly how much Middle Eastern countries will lose due to ODA cuts. Last month, researchers at Washington-based think tank, the Center for Global Development, tried to calculate the fallout. "Some countries are projected to lose large amounts of ODA simply because of who their main donors are," they noted, "while others are projected to lose very little." For example, Yemen will likely see its ODA reduced by 19% between 2023 and 2026. In 2025, its three biggest donors, via the UN's Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, or UNOCHA, were Saudi Arabia, the EU and the UK. Somalia, on the other hand may lose as much as 39%. Its main donors, via UNOCHA, were the UK, the EU and the US. "It is clear that in the short term, the shortfall in aid funding will not be closed," Vincenzo Bollettino, director of the resilient communities program at Harvard University's Humanitarian Initiative in Boston, told DW. "In the mid-to-long term, it's likely there will be a tapestry of different forms of aid." Part of that will be a larger number of states "providing aid and development assistance where it aligns with their own political objectives," Bollettino predicts. Russia's main agency for international cooperation, Rossotrudnichestvo, recently announced it would restructure to be more like USAID and will open outposts in the UAE and Saudi Arabia. But at just $70 million annually, Rossotrudnichestvo's budget is comparatively small. Chinese money could be another alternative to US and European funding. "China has positioned itself as the US' greatest competitor in global development," experts at US think tank, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, warned in July. But China isn't all that interested in the Middle East, experts point out, and is more engaged in Southeast Asia and Africa. "Neither Russia nor China have played traditionally significant roles in the international humanitarian aid system and this is unlikely to change anytime soon," Bollettino explains. Much more likely donors in the Middle East will be the wealthy Gulf states, says Markus Loewe, a professor and the coordinator for research on the Middle East and North Africa at the German Institute of Development and Sustainability, or IDOS. Over the last two decades, four Gulf states — Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar and Kuwait — have been internationally significant donors. "For example, Saudi Arabia is already offering substantial support to Syria," Loewe told DW. "They have been supporting Lebanon to quite a degree and they would definitely be ready to pay a lot of the costs of reconstruction in Gaza, provided there is an acceptable agreement on a ceasefire." Most of that ODA has gone to Arab countries, although Qatar and Kuwait have also funded work in Turkey, Afghanistan and some African countries. Hardly any Gulf money goes into what are called "pooled" funds like those run by the UN. Most is bilateral, from country to country, because the Gulf states tend to use their ODA in a more transactional way. That is, as a diplomatic tool where it ties into different Gulf states' often-competing foreign policy aims. "Aid recipients who are considered politically important for Gulf donors tend to receive more aid," Khaled AlMezaini, a professor at the UAE's Zayed University, wrote in a recent analysis. For example, despite waging war on parts of Yemen from 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE were also the country's biggest donors. But as Harvard's Bollettino points out, ODA is not meant to be political. That goes against basic humanitarian principles of neutrality and impartiality. "The essential problem with instrumentalized aid is that it's just as likely to be a catalyst of conflict and violence as a source of peace and security," he argues. "The so-called Gaza Humanitarian Foundation — where 'humanitarian aid' being delivered to starving civilians has resulted in hundreds of Palestinians being killed — is a case in point." To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video

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