
Tramore community rally around Albanian family facing deportation
Tramore
calling on the Minister for Justice not to deport an
Albanian
family and to grant them
permission to remain
on
humanitarian grounds
.
Students from Tramore
Educate Together
national school, including classmates of Luna, the six-year-old daughter of the family, took part in the rally outside Ocean View Guest House, where the family has lived since they moved to Co Waterford in 2022. The family has been told they must return to Albania by the end of August or they will be removed from the State.
Participants in Saturday's rally chanted 'deportation no way, we want our friends to stay' and held up posters with messages including 'trá mór, grá mór' and 'our friends belong here'.
'The fact that we're rallying support around a six-year-old is horrendous,' said parent and organiser Aoife O'Driscoll. 'Our kids are sitting around making posters to stop her being taken away. It's lovely but it's awful.'
READ MORE
Ms O'Driscoll launched a campaign for the family last week after discovering her child's classmate had received a deportation notice. Nearly all the parents in the 180-pupil school have since offered their support for the family, says Ms O'Driscoll.
'Luna's entire life is in Tramore, her friends are in Tramore. We saw her running out of school recently with Réalt na Seachtaine for the best Irish that week. She doesn't know any of this is happening.'
Luna's mother, who requested not to be named, says the family was 'forced to leave' Albania in 2022 because of threats to their safety. They were particularly concerned for their daughter due to the risk of child trafficking, she said.
'We heard Ireland was safe and it was very far from Albania. I was sure that person looking for us would not find our family here,' she said. 'No one wants to talk badly about their country of origin but Albania is not safe.'
Albania is one of 15 jurisdictions designated as safe countries of origin by the State for the purposes of international protection applications.
The family spent a few months in the Balseskin accommodation centre in Finglas, Dublin, before being transferred to Tramore in late 2022.
Parents and students from Tramore Educate Together National School on calling on Saturday for an Albanian family not to be deported. Photograph: Aoife O'Driscoll
They were refused permission to remain and were notified in April they had to leave Ireland by May 17th, 2025. They secured an extension until the end of August because Luna's younger brother, who was born in Ireland with complex medical needs and underwent surgery earlier this year, had a hospital appointment in July. The mother, who worked as an English-language teacher in Albania, works as a cleaner and her husband is in construction.
The suspense of not knowing what will happen to her children 'is killing me', she says. 'I'm trying to be strong but there are days I feel I cannot breathe, you feel your time is ending. Sometimes I just want to give up but I have to go on for my children. It's not their fault that we had problems and were forced to leave Albania.'
The Tramore Educate Together parents association contacted the
Department of Justice
on July 1st, saying its decision to deport the family 'knowingly put a child's life at risk'. The two-year-old 'requires complex care that will simply not be available to him should this family be deported', read the letter.
The family have 'built a life' in Tramore and deporting them will 'inflict irreparable trauma on each of them', it said.
An Uplift.ie petition
, signed by more than 500 people, calls on the Government to treat the family's situation with 'the nuanced, discerning approach that is required when human lives are at stake'.
A Department of Justice spokesman said officials 'aim to process families in a holistic manner' but 'a child's immigration case is highly dependent on the status of their parents'.
He added: 'Each child's circumstances are examined in detail before a deportation order is made and voluntary return is offered.'
If families do not engage with gardaí and leave the State within a prescribed time frame, 'they can be arrested and detained in order to make the arrangements for their deportation,' he said, adding that 'children are never detained'.
Enforced removals of children are only carried out 'as a measure of last resort when the family concerned has not removed themselves from the State as they are legally required to'.
Some 106 people have been deported from Ireland on chartered flights so far this year, while 69 were removed on commercial airlines and another 30 people left unescorted. These included 106 Georgians, 36 Nigerians, 18 Brazilians, seven Algerians and five Albanians, according to Government data. Thirteen of those deported so far this year were children.
Last week, Minister for Justice
Jim O'Callaghan
said he had no plans to cease the deportation of children. 'Any such policy would make Ireland an outlier in Europe and could encourage more people to come here with children, knowing that they could not be removed regardless of the outcome of their case,' he told the Dáil.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Irish Times
36 minutes ago
- Irish Times
The Irish Times view on rules for immigration: a case of more haste meaning less speed
The Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission (IHREC) has put the Government on notice that parts of its flagship immigration legislation breach fundamental rights and may well end up being challenged in the Irish and European Courts. The International Protection Bill 2025 will give effect to the EU Migration and Asylum Pact which seeks to align asylum practices across the EU by next June. The process by which applicants for international protection are assessed and adjudicated and, if necessary, removed from the State will be simplified with the objective of giving a decision – including appeal – within two to six months, depending on an applicant's circumstances. The procedure currently averages 18 months. The dysfunctional nature of the current system – and the opportunity provided to reset it by the EU Migration and Asylum Pact – is acknowledged by the IHREC. But it is equally clear that many of the proposed measures may not comply with the EU Charter on Fundamental Rights. READ MORE It has identified several issues of concern in the proposed legislation, in particular the right of applicants to free legal advice, which will now only be available at the appeal stage. It has also flagged a lack of clarity in relation to how the age of minors will be determined if this is disputed. It has also raised concerns about the rights of applicants with no identification who are covered by the UN Refugee Convention to which Ireland is a signatory, but which is not yet incorporated into national law. The common theme to these and the other issues raised by the IHREC is that the Government's rush to get the International Protection Bill enacted in time to meet the deadline for the introduction of the EU pact may be counterproductive if it leaves it open to numerous legal challenges, either from the commission or others. It notes that effective scrutiny of legislation by the Oireachtas – which appears difficult under the current timelines – could go a long way to heading off challenges . A case of the more haste the less speed.


Irish Times
an hour ago
- Irish Times
Delay on health labelling on alcohol comes amid uncertain trading environment
The expected deferral of health labelling on alcohol products is a signal of just how nervous the Government is about the present trading and economic environment. At a time when businesses and exporters are facing unprecedented uncertainty about trading conditions, Ministers were reluctant to add another cost for something many say is important, but fewer believe is urgent. [ Health labelling on alcoholic drinks set to be deferred until 2029 ] The planned introduction of the law next year would have made Ireland the first country in the world to insist on health warnings on bottles containing alcoholic drinks. Retailers would be obliged to ensure every container that contains alcohol carries the messages that 'drinking alcohol causes liver disease' and 'there is a direct link between alcohol and fatal cancers'. READ MORE Insiders say the decision to postpone, likely to be approved by Cabinet next week, is also testament to the fierce lobbying by the drinks industry in recent months. This took place at many levels, not least of which was the trade forum convened by Tánaiste Simon Harris to discuss business fears and to suggest ways of addressing them. The issue of alcohol labelling has been raised at every single meeting, one person familiar with the issue says. In his letter to the members of the trade forum on Tuesday, Mr Harris acknowledged this. 'Members of the forum also raised the issue regarding alcohol labelling and its potential impact,' Harris said. 'The Government will consider this matter next week. We are fully committed to the implementation of this public health policy. However, it is imposing costs on businesses at a time of great challenge and the Government is reflecting on that.' Indeed, insiders say the decision to defer the introduction of alcohol labelling has been inevitable for some time. Ministers have been muttering in public for months about 'looking at this issue again'. In private, many were a good deal more forthright. But various elements of the drinks industry had been lobbying against the measures since long before it was legislated for two years ago, but they failed to stop it. So what changed in recent months? According to people involved in the issue in Government, it was the transformed environment due to US president Donald Trump's import tariffs that proved decisive in persuading the Ministers to back a deferral of the measure until 2029. Alcohol products – whether US bourbon, Irish whiskey or French wine – have been touted by both sides as potential targets in a trade war. Suddenly, it seemed like a bad time to be piling additional costs on producers and retailers. For anti-alcohol campaigners, the news will be a bitter blow. 'The eyes of the world are on Ireland,' Prof Frank Murray, chair of Alcohol Action Ireland , wrote in The Irish Times earlier this year. That may be all the more true now.

Irish Times
2 hours ago
- Irish Times
Sharp exchanges follow Alan Shatter's comparison of occupied territories trade ban with 1930s Germany
Former minister for justice Alan Shatter has claimed that the proposed ban on trade with the occupied Palestinian territories is a 'boycott Jews Bill' reminiscent of policies from 1930s Germany . There were appeals for respect at the Oireachtas foreign affairs committee on Tuesday amid terse exchanges between politicians and Mr Shatter, who compared the Bill to something from Father Ted . The proposed legislation, which has become known as the Occupied Territories Bill, would prohibit trade in goods with Israeli companies operating in the illegally occupied Palestinian territories. Mr Shatter told TDs and Senators that the Irish Government was producing legislation that was 'anti-Semitic'. Could Mary Lou McDonald be about to enter the presidential race? Listen | 41:13 'It is the first boycott Jews Bill published by any European government since 1945. And it replicates the type of legislation that was initiated in 1930s Germany,' said Mr Shatter, who was appearing before the committee in his capacity as a board member of the Israel Council on Foreign Relations . READ MORE Foreign affairs committee chairman John Lahart said it was 'hurtful', 'offensive and slanderous' for it to be suggested that the motivation behind the Bill was anti-Semitism. Mr Shatter also claimed that the legislation, which focused on limited imports of 'olives and avocados', resembled the 'Father Ted-like provisions' of a 1980 family planning law that sought to license the importation of condoms. Mr Shatter was challenged by Fine Gael TD Brian Brennan , who told the committee that he had travelled to Cairo in a personal capacity last weekend and met injured and orphaned Palestinian children. 'I held the hand of a two-year-old child who had bullet holes because of what's happening in Gaza. So when you say to me, and you say to this committee, that is a 'token gesture, this is fantasy politics, this is performance politics', I totally reject [that],' said Mr Brennan. 'How dare you come in here and make such statements? A 'Father Ted Bill'! You speak to the people on the ground that matter, listen to what they've got to say about this Bill ... I just think the humanity coming from yourself, with all due respect, is just simply lax.' [ More than 300 sportspeople sign letter urging Central Bank to change stance on approving Israel bonds Opens in new window ] In terse exchanges, Mr Shatter said: 'I don't think a single visit, deputy, to Egypt is the be-all and end-all to resolving the conflict. And this Bill certainly won't resolve the conflict.' In response to Mr Brennan's remarks, Natasha Hausdorff of the Ireland Israel Alliance said that he had spoken 'very powerfully' about Palestinian suffering. 'But it is important that the cause of that suffering is correctly identified, and that is not as a result of Israel's policy here, that is squarely on the shoulders of Hamas and other Palestinian terrorist groups who continue to abuse and subjugate and terrorise their own civilians,' she said. All of the Israeli and Jewish witnesses appearing before the committee declined to agree that the occupied territories in the West Bank were illegally occupied land. Mr Shatter said he 'does not accept' that the Israeli-occupied territories in the West Bank are illegally occupied land. Ms Hausdorff said that 'one cannot occupy what is one's own sovereign territory'. Maurice Cohen, chairman of the Jewish Representative Council of Ireland, said that anti-Semitism would be the result of the Bill. 'I'm not necessarily certain that that is the motivation behind it,' he said. In a separate session shortly afterwards, the same committee heard from the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign and Sadaka - the Ireland Palestine Alliance, who support the Bill. Sadaka chairman Éamonn Meehan said the same arguments against the Bill had been made against the anti-apartheid campaign in the 1980s and 1990s, but that legislation had been 'highly effective'.