
Thailand hasn't sealed border, Cambodia has, says Phumtham
Defence Minister Phumtham Wechayachai has rejected Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet's assertion Thailand has sought agreement on reopening the border, saying the border is not sealed.
Mr Phumtham, also a deputy prime minister, said on Monday that Thailand did not close its border with Cambodia. Phnom Penh closed the border.
Thailand only rescheduled border crossing hours, he said, partial border trade could continue and Cambodian students and patients in need of urgent hospital care could still enter Thailand.
'I think that our announcements have been clear from the start. Many statements from Cambodia need to be viewed carefully as Cambodia is focused on its own local issues,' Mr Phumtham said.
Thailand adhered to the concept of a peaceful and bilateral solution and had no interest in or acceptance of the rulings of the International Court of Justice, he said. This was a clear reference to Cambodia's petition asking the court to settle its claim to four disputed border areas.
Thailand was trying to relax border controls to help people and businesses and Cambodia had to accept responsibility for its own position on the closure of the border, Mr Phumtham said.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

Bangkok Post
4 hours ago
- Bangkok Post
Manufacturing production index up for 2 months in a row y/y
The political risk that threatens to undermine the government should become clearer this month, indicative of whether the manufacturing sector will decelerate after the Manufacturing Production Index (MPI) rose by 1.8% year-on-year in May for a second consecutive month to 100.79 points, says the Office of Industrial Economics (OIE). The Constitutional Court is scheduled to convene on Tuesday to consider a petition submitted by the Senate in a bid to oust Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra over a contentious leaked recording of a phone call with Cambodian Senate president Hun Sen on the Thai-Cambodian territorial dispute. "The political problem has just started. Whether it will escalate or how the government will deal with it to prevent an impact on investment will soon be seen," said Passakorn Chairat, director-general of the OIE. Investment will hardly avoid the impact of growing concern over the government's stability as the premier is losing the trust of the public, Apichit Prasoprat, vice-chairman of the Federation of Thai Industries, said earlier. As of the end of May, the MPI grew steadily, driven by several factors, including car manufacturing, which increased by 12.8% year-on-year, and the value of exports, up by 18.4% cumulatively over an 11-month period. "Car bookings at the Motor Show prompted manufacturers to increase production to deliver cars to customers," said Mr Passakorn. Factories which sell products overseas also increased production to increase exports ahead of US President Donald Trump's reciprocal tariff of 36% on Thai imports, estimated to come into effect around July 8. In May, palm oil production soared by 25% due to more output and purchase orders from India, China and Myanmar. Sugar manufacturing also increased by 21% due to an increase in sugar cane as a result of an uptick in rainfall. Farmers also expanded their plantations because of higher crop prices. Capacity utilitsation stood at 61% in May, up from 56.6% in April. However, local air conditioner production fell by more than 10% year-on-year in May despite strong exports. This was due to a drop in domestic sales amid the rainy season and the import of low-cost air conditioners.

Bangkok Post
4 hours ago
- Bangkok Post
Too long in power a bad idea for leaders
Leading an entire country for a few years is a steep learning curve, but it's useful experience. Being in power for a dozen years makes most leaders arrogant and careless, but some remain more or less functional. Being in power for more than 30 years just makes you stupid. Consider Cambodia's Hun Sen and Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Hun Sen began as a Khmer Rouge commander and went on to rule Cambodia effectively as an absolute dictator for 36 years. (He is by far the country's richest man, and his personal guard rivals the national army in size.) He passed the prime ministership on to his son Hun Manet two years ago, but he really still rules. There is an old history of military confrontations between Thailand and Cambodia, but relations have been stable since Hun Sen came to power. In fact, there were close links between him and the Shinawatra family that has dominated democratic politics in Thailand for half of this century. So when there was a shoot-out on the Cambodian-Thai border a couple of weeks ago, the Thai prime minister, Paetongtarn Shinawatra, got on the phone to calm things down with Hun Sen. (She called him "uncle" because her father and the Cambodian leader had been so close.) One Cambodian soldier was killed in the incident, but who wants a war? She criticised the Thai regional commander, who she said "just wanted to look tough", and added that if Hun Sen wanted anything, she would "take care of it". This is how grown-ups in power manage random incidents that can cause serious trouble: apologise (whether your side was in the wrong or not), lay on the flattery, give everybody an off-ramp. And keep it as private as possible. Instead, Hun Sen reportedly had the entire 17-minute conversation put on a website. Its effect, and most likely his purpose, was to humiliate Prime Minister Paetongtarn and stir up outrage among Thai ultranationalists. We can probably therefore assume that he was acting in league with the aforesaid ultra-nationalists, but he's crazy to believe that they are reliable allies. Hun Sen may be calculating that a small military confrontation with Thailand will help his son to consolidate his hold on power. However, it's just as likely that the Thai hardliners would exploit a brief victorious war (Thais outnumber Cambodians by around four-to-one) to legitimise their intended coup d'etat. Hun Sen used to be ruthless but clever. He's taking an unnecessary risk for a doubtful outcome. But the uncomfortable truth is that at least half the wars on this planet start for reasons no more profound than this. Which brings us to the truly counterproductive behaviour of Iran's Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Like Hun Sen, Iran's Supreme Leader has been in power for 36 years. At least half the Iranian population would be glad to see him gone, but during his early years he was an effective ruler. Now he is an isolated old man of 86 who simply does not grasp the plight of his nation. Donald Trump gave Iran's leaders an unintended opening with his over-the-top boasting about the damage that one day of US air strikes did to the country. The American and world media were already questioning his claims that the three nuclear enrichment sites at Fordow, Natanz, and Esfahan were "totally obliterated", and Mr Trump had doubled down on them. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, who knows his way around the diplomatic world, humbly admitted the American strikes had done "excessive and serious damage". The country is virtually defenceless against American and Israeli airstrikes: why would Iran give them any reason to believe that they had to go back and finish the job? But Ayatollah Ali Khamanei was living in Cloud Cuckoo Land. In a video statement on June 26, he insisted that the American air strikes "did not achieve anything" and further threatened to give the United States "another slap" (referring to the Iranian missile attack on an American base in Qatar in retaliation for the US air strikes). Mr Trump went berserk at Ayatollah Khamenei's speech. "You got beat to hell," he raged, and declared that he had been about to end sanctions against Iran, but the Ayatollah's speech changed his mind. That's probably untrue, but Khamenei is too old to be left in office. As Mr Trump himself will probably be before his presidential term is finished. Gwynne Dyer is an independent journalist whose articles are published in 45 countries. His latest book is 'Intervention Earth: Life-Saving Ideas from the World's Climate Engineers'. Last year's book, 'The Shortest History of War', is also still available.

Bangkok Post
4 hours ago
- Bangkok Post
Protest a worrying sign
The protest at Victory Monument on Saturday brought back memories of the last two street demonstrations which rocked the capital in recent years -- the protest organised by the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) against then-prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, and the rallies held by the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) against his sister, Yingluck. Both protests ultimately failed to remove the leaders from power. However, they paved the way for two military coups to happen -- the first was led by Gen Sonthi Boonyaratglin, and the latest by Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha. On Saturday, Thai politics seemed to have come full circle, with old faces from the PDRC and PAD back to protesting on the streets, this time under the banner of the "Ruam Palang Paen Din Pok Pong Athipatai", or the United Power of the Land to Protect Sovereignty, group. Despite the heavy rain over the weekend, at least 10,000 people reportedly showed up to the peaceful rally to back the push to remove yet another prime minister from the Shinawatra family from office -- this time, Thaksin's daughter, Paetongtarn. The embattled PM is at the centre of the political crisis, which stemmed from the leaked recording of her conversation with former Cambodian prime minister Hun Sen, in which she could be heard promising to do what he wanted to de-escalate the situation along the border. If history is any indication, then this protest movement is destined to fail. Indeed, all street protests over the past two decades -- including those staged by the red shirts and the Democracy Restoration Group (DRG) -- failed to achieve their goal of booting the prime minister from office. However, the latest protest is a cause for concern. During the demonstration, veteran protest leader Sondhi Limthongkul told the crowds which gathered on Saturday that he wouldn't object "if the military does something". Equally worrying is the ultranationalist rhetoric which accompanied his coup-friendly attitude. At the protest, he encouraged the government to reclaim areas along the border which now belong to Cambodia. Such hardline rhetoric truly has no place in today's society. His comments faced a backlash from both the ruling coalition and the opposition, forcing the group to issue a statement to reassure the public that the group isn't calling for a military coup. This, however, isn't enough. To ensure peace, a political campaign or protest must be geared towards promoting democracy through inclusive dialogue and educating the public about the need for a democratic solution and just policies. In fact, Mr Sondhi's remarks spoiled the group's political momentum. The Pheu Thai Party and People's Party have officially blasted the group, accusing it of trying to overthrow the government and undermine democracy by calling for a military putsch. The war of words which followed Saturday's protest suggests Thai politics is about to reach a dead end once more. Street protests and political rhetoric will not bring about real change and improvement. The leaders of all protest movements must remember that people -- regardless of their political inclinations -- turn to street protest because they lack trust in their elected lawmakers. To prevent violent street protests or even a military coup, lawmakers and political parties must work to show that they exist to protect public interests, not their own political goals. Without trust, the centre will not hold.