
How Live Nation calls the tune for the live music industry
In the meeting, the Live Nation executive said explicitly that if the venue didn't choose Ticketmaster, it would not stage events there. And when the venue eventually did choose a rival ticketer, Live Nation allegedly made good on its threat. Rather than getting the three or four shows a year expected, the venue instead received precisely zero.
The case was one of a number uncovered by the US Department of Justice (DoJ) in 2019 that allegedly showed Live Nation using its position in concert promotion to pressure venues to use its Ticketmaster subsidiary. The probe into the 15-year-old merger of Live Nation and Ticketmaster led to an agreement to extend and amend decrees around the 2010 deal.
But the DoJ has found that it needs to step in again. This time, the agency argues that the only remedy will be to reverse the merger entirely, accusing the entertainment giant of a level of control over the US live events industry that has cost fans, artists, rival promoters and venue operators.
READ MORE
'It's a shakedown,' says Jonathan Kanter, who until December was assistant attorney-general for the antitrust division of the DoJ. He has since been replaced by Gail Slater, an antitrust veteran and economic adviser to vice-president JD Vance.
'This is a deliberate plan by Live Nation to take a core monopoly in ticketing and flank it with other powerful businesses to create a self-protecting ecosystem,' adds Kanter. 'I have never seen a more popular antitrust case in my 25-year career. Fans are unhappy, venues are unhappy, and the market is stagnant.'
The investigation has reinforced fears among competitors in the industry after authorities allowed the world's largest live events business to buy the world's largest ticket company in 2010.
Most music and sports fans have little idea of how much of their night out is in the hands of Live Nation. But if the DoJ is right then they will have paid the price in higher fees and ticket prices, and in the choice of artists at their local venues.
The fact that it took Oasis and Taylor Swift to get the attention of regulators worldwide is not lost on rivals in the industry who have long complained about the extent of Live Nation's interests in the market.
But in part prompted by skyrocketing ticket prices – not least for the Mancunian brothers' reunion and Swift's 2023-24 Eras tour – other competition authorities and lawmakers have started scrutinising the live events market more closely.
100 days of Trump: 'It's like The Karate Kid, tax on, tax off, tariffs on, tariffs off'
Listen |
42:49
British MP Liam Byrne, chair of the UK's business and trade select committee, said that Live Nation appears to have 'more arms than an octopus'.
'One part of Live Nation could be dictating the price to another part of Live Nation,' he said at a committee hearing in February. 'That sounds like a conspiracy.'
Andrew Parsons, boss of Ticketmaster's UK business, told MPs that Live Nation had 'clear divides between how we operate on a daily basis', and that the UK is 'an incredibly competitive [ticketing] market'. Ticket prices were set by event organisers, he said, not Ticketmaster.
In the US, the DoJ case has bipartisan backing – but rivals and antitrust campaigners are concerned that it may not have the same support from the new administration. What happens with Live Nation may set the tone for how the Trump White House approaches competition policy over the next four years.
'This has the potential to be the largest and most important antitrust case in the US for a long time,' says Diana Moss, vice-president and director of competition policy at the Progressive Policy Institute. 'We have a very traditional monopoly, but also a very modern digital monopoly.'
Live Nation has rejected the DoJ allegations. It accused the previous government of ignoring 'everything that is actually responsible for higher ticket prices, from increasing production costs to artist popularity, to 24/7 online ticket scalping that reveals the public's willingness to pay far more than primary tickets cost'.
Liam Gallagher (left) and Noel Gallagher of Oasis. it was use of flexible pricing for their reunion gigs that provoked controversy and fresh regulatory scrutiny in the UK.
The company said that it disagreed with the DoJ's take on the 2017 incident with the US concert venue, but 'the more important point is that there have been no credible allegations of anything like that happening in recent years'.
Dan Wall, executive vice-president of corporate and regulatory affairs for Live Nation, describes the DoJ case as 'a hodgepodge of things' that does not amount to a violation of the merger agreement. 'There isn't any one thing that they can hang their hat on,' he says.
Since its takeover of Ticketmaster, Live Nation has built an enormous entertainment machine straddling large parts of the live events ecosystem, according to the DoJ and rivals, some of whom declined to be identified given their concerns over the power that the company has in the industry.
Across the world, Live Nation had exclusive booking rights for or has an equity interest in 394 venues and 137 festivals in 2024, according to company filings. It promoted more than 54,000 live music and other events involving 11,000 artists.
In North America, the DoJ says Live Nation controls more than 265 concert venues, including more than 60 of the top 100 US amphitheatres, and directly manages more than 400 musical artists.
Its scale in the US has been replicated in markets such as the UK, where it has built up a network of subsidiaries, either wholly or partially owned, spanning venues and festivals (from Latitude to the Isle of Wight) and ticketing.
The company is involved in the management of bands and promotion of events, driving revenues from advertising, sponsorship and upselling to VIP seats at its venues, parking, food and beverage and merchandise sales. The DoJ describes it as a 'live entertainment ecosystem' that works as 'a feedback loop that inflates its fees and revenue, all at the expense of fans'.
Live Nation supplies services to venues such as security via Showsec in the UK, whose accounts show it is majority owned by the US group. Food and drink often means a payday for Live Nation: it owns stakes in suppliers such as US water brand Liquid Death, CVT Soft Serve ice cream and Owen's Craft Mixers, sold through its venues. One rival festival executive says that 'they go for it all'.
Live Nation boss Michael Rapino has himself described the company strategy to investors as a 'flywheel', with the concerts at the core, aiming 'to get into ... high margin businesses and be competitive'.
The term has been taken up by the DoJ in its allegations over a self-reinforcing model while rivals complain of a flywheel that spins ever faster to throw out money.
Ticketmaster is owned by Live Nation.
Revenues have increased fourfold from the combined sales generated by the separate businesses pre-merger in 2010, and are double that from before the pandemic, as demand for events bounced back strongly from lockdowns in the US and UK. Shares hit an all-time high in February.
Live Nation's supporters in the industry say it is taking the financial risk for events that are often not sold out and run at a loss to the benefit of artists, who typically receive the majority of all ticketing revenue. It is doing better because the market is doing better, they add.
Others argue that this is part of the business model: its power in the music industry results in higher margin operations that allow it to cross-subsidise lower margin businesses elsewhere.
So through less profitable venue control, Live Nation can win deals to promote artist tours and generate high margin sponsorship and advertising revenues.
The DoJ argues that control of the venue and the promotion of the artists can then help secure the ticket sales mandate. Given Live Nation-Ticketmaster's power in concert promotions, 'every live concert venue knows choosing another promoter or ticketer comes with a risk of ... losing concerts, revenue, and fans', it said.
'Live Nation's monopoly power in primary ticketing for major concert venues in the US is demonstrated by its ability to control prices and/or exclude competition.'
In the US, Ticketmaster's exclusive agreements cover more than 75 per cent of concert ticket sales at major venues, the DoJ said.
Wall says any accusation of dominance in venue ownership is 'totally fictitious'. The model of combining ticketing and venue operation is also used by rivals such as AEG and CTS Eventim, he points out, with the latter leading in European event promotions and ticket sales.
Live Nation operates just 4 per cent of music venues in the US, it said, and the majority of shows it promotes take place in venues owned by other companies. Every amphitheatre in the Live Nation portfolio 'competes with a local arena or a local stadium, or maybe a festival', Wall adds.
In 2023, The Cure's Robert Smith said that he was 'as sickened as you all are' after tickets for a US tour that the band had tried to make affordable were laden with fees.
When Oasis announced reunion gigs last year, few in the industry were surprised to see Live Nation listed as a co-promoter and Ticketmaster among the companies handling the sales.
But it was the use of flexible pricing that provoked controversy and fresh regulatory scrutiny in the UK. Although Ticketmaster says it does not set the ticket price, the UK competition regulator last month warned that it may have breached consumer protection laws by labelling some seated tickets for Oasis as 'platinum' and selling them for near 2.5 times the price of equivalent standard tickets.
These tickets did not offer any additional benefits and were often located in the same area of the stadium, the Competition and Markets Authority found, with other tickets hiked without warning as soon as lower priced ones had sold out.
Ticketmaster said in response that it strived 'to provide the best ticketing platform through a simple, transparent and consumer-friendly experience'.
For the DoJ, so-called dynamic ticketing practices where prices change depending on demand are part of the matrix of additional fees that charge profits for Live Nation 'often with little visibility offered to the fan buying the ticket'.
While the company's venues and promotion business, which makes up the majority of revenues, generates margins in the low single digits, those in its ticketing business are in the high 30s and sponsorship in the 60s.
Artists and executives also complain about them. In 2023, The Cure's Robert Smith said that he was 'as sickened as you all are' after tickets for a US tour that the band had tried to make affordable were laden with fees that in some cases doubled the price. Wall describes this now as 'a mistake ... an oversight now being used by people to suggest that it was somehow the norm'. Ticketmaster refunded some of its fees.
In Ireland, the so-called inside fee has become a common practice by Ticketmaster to generate more revenues, according to an executive from a booking agent, who declined to be named. The company had a market share of up to 90 per cent in the country, according to an investigation by the Irish Competition and Consumer Protection Commission in 2020.
The cost of a ticket for the booking agent's acts in a Dublin venue – used as the source of the artist's cut – was €22.00, but the ticket price displayed on Ticketmaster was €25.00, on top of which €3.10 service fee was applied. This meant €6.10 of charges on a €22.00 ticket, or a 28 per cent increase, the booking agent says.
'In some markets, the service fee may be an inside commission and an above face value,' says Tim Chambers, a former Ticketmaster and Live Nation senior executive who now works as an M&A consultant in the ticketing industry.
Live Nation said that it and Ticketmaster 'have large market shares because artists and venues prefer [our] services over others. There is nothing nefarious about that.' It also said Ticketmaster's market share and profit margins have declined since the US merger.
Wall reiterates that artists and their management, not Ticketmaster, are responsible for setting ticket prices and deciding whether to use dynamic pricing and that Ticketmaster only retained 'a modest portion' of fees and service charge – which are no higher than rivals.
'The 'flywheel' is creating 8 per cent [overall] margins. That's not a monopoly profit,' he says. 'The defining feature of a monopolist is monopoly profits derived from monopoly pricing ... Live Nation in no way fits the profile.'
The question now is not just whether the DoJ can make its case, but whether the new administration has the same appetite to challenge the country's most successful events operator as the last.
In March this year, a New York court refused Live Nation's attempt to exclude the DoJ's claim that it coerces artists into using its concert promotion services if they want to perform at its large amphitheatres.
Live Nation had argued that it is rival concert promoters who rent the venues, not the artists themselves. The judge did not agree.
Live Nation has declared itself a victim of the Biden administration and its 'populist urge that simply rejects how antitrust law works. Some call this 'anti-monopoly', but in reality it is just anti-business.'
Its lobbying efforts have increased in recent years, with more than $2 million (€1.7 million) spent in 2023 and 2024 by the parent company – almost twice as much as the years previously. Live Nation said that it was 'not lobbying to protect margins – in fact, many of the reforms we support, like giving artists the ability to cap resale, could actually reduce profits'.
Donald Trump and musician Kid Rock. Photograph: Jeff Bottari/Zuffa LLC
But Joe Biden's presidential successor also clearly believes high ticket prices are a concern. Earlier this year, Donald Trump signed an executive order to crack down on touts buying up tickets and selling at higher prices on the secondary market. 'I didn't know too much about it, but I checked it out, and this is a big problem,' said the president, revealing the order alongside musician Kid Rock in the Oval Office. Live Nation says it supports the order.
The DoJ found that Ticketmaster accounted for nearly a third of ticket resales in 2022, although critics of the company are concerned that the focus on resales could detract from the focus on the primary sale of tickets.
Analysts are also not convinced that the DoJ will have enough, not just to prove a dominant position, but to also demonstrate that this has been used for anticompetitive practices. A note from JPMorgan last year said that there was 'a real possibility that [Live Nation] comes out of this a winner'.
Live Nation CFO Joe Berchtold said on a recent earnings call the company was 'hopeful that we'll see a return to the more traditional antitrust approach, where the agencies have generally tried to find ways to solve problems with targeted remedies that minimise government intervention in the marketplace'.
He added that 'at least some parts of the case reflect a much more interventionist philosophy than you'd expect from a Republican administration'.
But many in the industry remain confident that the DoJ's case will continue, given its bipartisan support in Congress and from dozens of US states.
Brian Hess, of the US non-profit group the Sports Fans Coalition, which advocates for consumer rights, notes that Kanter's replacement at the agency, Slater, 'is a pretty strong advocate of antitrust enforcement'.
He points to an assertive stance against Big Tech, and argues that Ticketmaster too 'is just a very big tech company that happens to sell tickets. There is no way to be a fan of anything in this country and not have to deal with the company.' – Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2025
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


RTÉ News
5 hours ago
- RTÉ News
Why Tupac's music and politics still resonate with the Irish
We present an extract from Words for My Comrades: A Political History of Tupac Shakur, the new book by Dean Van Nguyen. From Pitchfork and Guardian contributor Dean Van Nguyen comes a revelatory history of Tupac beyond his musical legend, as a radical son of the Black Panther Party whose political legacy still resonates today. Growing up in Dublin, Ireland, I saw Tupac as omnipresent in the schoolyard. In the late 1990s, kids with distinct musical taste tended to fit into two camps: there were the rockers, who wore thick black hoodies, often bearing the face of their deity, Kurt Cobain. And there were those who gravitated toward gangster rap, then reaching the peak of its global infl uence. To the latter, 2Pac CDs were a currency of cool; "Thug Life" was a slogan scrawled on many notebooks and bookbags. When some Irish kids were old enough, they got Tupac tattoos inked on their skin. Listen: Dean Van Nguyen talks Tupac to RTÉ Arena It should come as no surprise that Tupac appeals to the children of Ireland, a nation that after four hundred years of British colonial rule embraced the ideals of resistance, rebellion, and revolution. Unlike Public Enemy, whose songs had more specificity, or N.W.A., whose portraits of dissent felt undetachable from the South Central Los Angeles streets that inspired them, Irish people could transplant meaning onto Tupac. He was an icon of righteous defiance, cut from the same cloth, we surmised, as Irish freedom fighters. I believe he grew more popular in Ireland after he died because that's what Irish heroes did: James Connolly, Patrick Pearse, Thomas MacDonagh, Roger Casement, Michael Collins— they all died for their cause. "I will live by the gun and die by the gun" is a quote often attributed to Tupac. To Irish revolutionaries, it could have been a rallying cry. The first 2Pac song I remember being enthralled with was "Do for Love," a posthumous single that sees him chart a rocky romantic relationship. I was twelve years old, browsing for CD singles in chain record store HMV, when the creeping, funky bass line grabbed me. Then there was 2Pac's voice, so often parodied but always so powerful. I stayed in the store until the end of the song and bought it immediately. Included on the disc was "Brenda's Got a Baby," 2Pac's famous single- verse saga of a preteen girl molested by her cousin, impregnated, forced to turn to sex work, and slain on the streets. It was a heavy song for me, not yet a teenager. But a dose of realism from beyond my gray, narrow, all- boys Catholic school upbringing was no bad thing, and nobody could paint these portraits as vividly as 2Pac. Perhaps this is why his albums were passed around the schoolyard like precious contraband. It should come as no surprise that Tupac appeals to the children of Ireland, a nation that after four hundred years of British colonial rule embraced the ideals of resistance, rebellion, and revolution. Unlike Public Enemy, whose songs had more specificity, or N.W.A., whose portraits of dissent felt undetachable from the South Central Los Angeles streets that inspired them, Irish people could transplant meaning onto Tupac. He was an icon of righteous defiance, cut from the same cloth, we surmised, as Irish freedom fighters. I believe he grew more popular in Ireland after he died because that's what Irish heroes did: James Connolly, Patrick Pearse, Thomas MacDonagh, Roger Casement, Michael Collins— they all died for their cause. "I will live by the gun and die by the gun" is a quote often attributed to Tupac. To Irish revolutionaries, it could have been a rallying cry. In 2008, popular comedy rap duo the Rubberbandits recorded a song called "Up Da Ra," which playfully examined the lasting popularity of this slogan of support for the Irish Republican Army (IRA). The song includes the line "And to all the patriots who have died before in the Irish wars? / I know you're up in heaven smoking a joint with Tupac and Bob Marley." I spoke to Blindboy Boatclub, the group's core creative turned author and podcaster, about the lyrics. It was, he said, partially infl uenced by seeing drawings on bus stops of Tupac with a speech bubble saying "Tiocfaidh ár lá," an Irish- language slogan of defiance that translates to "Our day will come." He also remembered a mural in Ballynanty, Limerick, that portrayed Tupac alongside a group of rugby players with horses in the background. It was, Blindboy asserted, "beautiful." "The lads would have been booting around in Honda Civics in '97, '98, they were playing the Wolfe Tones, Bob Marley, and 2Pac," Blindboy said. "The Wolfe Tones and 2Pac, you played them alongside each other and whatever it was, it represented the same thing. I don't know if people were thinking about it but there was a similarity. I always compare certain Irish rebel songs to gangster rap." Ireland's affinity for Tupac is just the latest in a mutual sense of kinship shared by Irish people and Black American activists that can be traced across centuries. In 1845, Frederick Douglass fled to Ireland to escape slave catchers after the publication of his book Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave. He encountered Daniel O'Connell, an Irishman fighting for Catholic emancipation in Ireland. At the time, Catholics were a majority in Ireland, but subject to harsh rule by the Protestant minority and the British Empire. O'Connell was opposed to all forms of oppression and was one of the few political leaders who spoke out against American slavery. Douglass drew comfort and inspiration from O'Connell: "I have heard many speakers within the last four years— speakers of the first order; but I confess, I have never heard one, by whom I was more completely captivated than by Mr. O'Connell." After the Irish War of Independence, a guerrilla struggle fought from 1919 to 1921 by revolutionary paramilitary organization the IRA against British rule, there was the establishment of the Irish Republic, which resulted in partition of the island. Six of Ireland's thirty- two counties located in the north of Ireland remained under British rule. Irish Catholics in the north suddenly found themselves on the opposite side of a border from their countrymen and kin. Living among a Protestant majority who saw themselves as British, the Catholics were denied basic rights such as votes, housing, and jobs. By the 1960s, they were taking their cues from the civil rights movement in the United States by organizing protests, but these were ruthlessly suppressed. A need for protection revived Irish paramilitary operations, with some identifying as the successors of the old IRA. "Everyone was very radicalized at that stage," said Tim Brannigan, a west Belfast Black Irish Catholic who went to prison in the 1990s on IRA weapons charges. "But, of course, what the IRA did was rather than see the potential for a mass movement, they saw the potential for clandestine guerrilla struggle." The kinship between the Black American struggle and the Catholic struggle was sharply felt in Derry, a city in Northern Ireland. In August 1969, a march was organized to protest discrimination, but participants faced counterdemonstrations and a police force, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), its officers deploying water cannons and batons. Residents of the Bogside neighborhood responded by rioting. In what became known as the Battle of the Bogside, Catholic resisters declared the area autonomous territory. They erected barricades to prevent the police entering. Radio Free Derry played rebel songs as a call to locals to resist. A famous mural reading "YOU ARE NOW ENTERING FREE DERRY" was painted on a corner house signifying a police-free zone. It's still there today, an enduring symbol of the resistance. Lasting intermittently for three years, Free Derry showed the power of a community united against oppressive forces. Yet Derry would be deeply wounded by some of the most brutal sectarian violence in what would become known as the Troubles. In 1972, there was Bloody Sunday, a peaceful protest that was attacked by the British Army and resulted in the murder of fourteen civilians, a case which is still unresolved. Imprisoned for a short period for her role in the Battle of the Bogside was Bernadette Devlin. A working- class revolutionary socialist, Devlin was elected as an MP to the British Parliament aged only twenty- one. In 1969, she toured the United States to raise funds for political prisoners in Ireland. Such was her celebrity that she even made an appearance on The Tonight Show Starring Johnny Carson. As the tour stretched on, Devlin spoke increasingly about the Black American struggle, criticizing Irish Americans for failing to show unity despite the obvious parallels occurring back in their motherland. They may have been opening their wallets for her cause, but to Devlin, these Irish Americans were complicit in a similarly oppressive policing system that brought tyranny to marginalized communities. After being awarded the freedom key to New York by the city's mayor, John Lindsay, she delivered it to the local Black Panthers via her comrade, Eamonn McCann, with a message: "To all these people, to whom this city and this country belong, I return what is rightfully, theirs, this symbol of the freedom of New York." Devlin befriended Angela Davis after visiting the imprisoned Panther in 1971. Years later, Davis joined the campaign to free Devlin's daughter, Róisín McAliskey, jailed on IRA bombing charges. Addressing a protest in San Francisco, Davis declared, "Róisín must be freed and Northern Ireland released from the shackles of British imperialism!" (In his book How the Irish Became White, author Noel Ignatiev explains how the new Irish immigrants in America achieved acceptance among an initially hostile population by proving that they could be more brutal in their oppression of Black Americans. This was the start of a chasm between Irish people and Irish Americans that exists today. While in general, Irish Americans look fondly at the island many see as their ancestral home, the descendants of the Irish who stayed look at them with less affection.) Ireland's affinity for Tupac is just the latest in a mutual sense of kinship shared by Irish people and Black American activists that can be traced across centuries. The IRA and the Black Panther Party were founded to fight back against oppressive states. Both established networks of community services to provide what the state failed to offer. Both faced suppression through counterintelligence. And both sought a radical left- wing reorganization of society. The two groups, not failing to spot the parallels, used their own newspapers to report on and support each other's cause. It was instinctual for Irish freedom fighters to express solidarity with other political prisoners given their long history of imprisonment at the hands of the British state. Throughout the twentieth century, Irish prisoners used hunger strikes to protest British authority, many condemning themselves to the horrible fate of death by starvation. Playwright and politician Terence MacSwiney died after a seventy-four-day hunger strike in 1920; his demise was known to have had a profound impact on Marcus Garvey, the Jamaican Black nationalist leader. Garvey even sent telegrams to both British prime minister David Lloyd George, urging him to compromise so Mac-Swiney's life could be spared, and to Mac Swiney's priest, asking him to "convey to McSwiney [sic] sympathy of 400,000,000 Negroes." Garvey's admiration for the Irish response to colonial rule had been total. The year before MacSwiney's death, he declared, "The time has come for the Negro race to offer up its martyrs upon the altar of liberty even as the Irish has given a long list, from Robert Emmet to Roger Casement." As the Troubles in Ireland continued throughout the 1980s and into the '90s, and the Provisional IRA's bombing campaign, undertaken with the goal of ending British rule in the six counties, claimed more and more innocent lives, they struggled for support at home and abroad, dubbed terrorists rather than freedom fighters. Still, after peace on the island was achieved through the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, a younger generation, with no war to fight, but who still shout "Up the Ra," have found alternative ways to keep the spirit of resistance as part of their identity. Expressing kinship with Tupac is the contemporary version of the same mutual understanding between Irish and Black American struggle. Around the one hundredth anniversary of the 1916 Easter Rising, a key event in the Irish struggle for independence, a Facebook page was set up with the purpose of ensuring Tupac received credit for his contributions to the cause. The group's admins photoshopped Tupac into old photos, alongside Connolly, Pearse, and other heroes of the armed rebellion who'd almost all been executed for the part they played. It was for laughs, yes, but through meme culture, the group was ambiently solidifying the bond. It made a weird kind of sense: Tupac Shakur was in the original IRA. The joke wouldn't have worked with any other rapper— maybe, even, no other American.


The Irish Sun
a day ago
- The Irish Sun
‘Started from the bottom' – Proud Tyson Fury watches race horse Big Gypsy King at Doncaster from owners' section
TYSON FURY celebrated his success in the owners section at the Doncaster races. Fury is a two-time heavyweight world champion and a legend of British boxing. 3 Tyson Fury and his family at the Doncaster races Credit: Instagram 3 Fury's new horse Big Gypsy King Credit: Splash But now he can also Fury and his manager Spencer Brown own a three-year-old filly called Big Gypsy King - a nod to his boxing moniker. They have already enjoyed , winning on the Flat at Chelmsford in May. And Fury took his wife Paris and four of their seven kids to the Doncaster Racecourse. READ MORE IN boxing He posted: "Who would of (sic) thought we would be back in @parisfury1 home town of doncaster 20 years later with a horse in the main race! started from the bottom! now in the owners section." Big Gypsy King had a disappointing run last time finishing seventh at Kempton. She is a 10-1 shot in Doncaster - ridden by Group 1-winning jockey Luke Morris. Big Gypsy King is trained in Oxfordshire by Oliver Cole. Most read in Horse Racing CASINO SPECIAL - BEST CASINO BONUSES FROM £10 DEPOSITS As for Fury, 36, himself, he retired in January following two losses to Oleksandr Usyk, 38, in Saudi Arabia. But in July, he Former boxing champ says Anthony Joshua is in shocks talks to fight Olympic gold medalist in return before Tyson Fury He said: "I do miss it, every single day I wake up in the morning and miss it. "I've been away seven months, missed it everyday. I'm open to offers at the moment. "I'm not going to be doing any comebacks this year, that's for sure. I'm busy as you can see I've got Netflix here. "I'm filming At Home With The Furys season two. Come on! And then next year the big GK is going to make a f***ing comeback. "The takeover! I'm gonna be 37 in about three weeks so I'm going to be the oldest swinger with all these young boys coming up it's going to be difficult. But I believe I can put on some very good nights still." 3 Fury retired from boxing in January Credit: PA


The Irish Sun
a day ago
- The Irish Sun
Lando Norris goes public with on-off girlfriend Margarida Corceiro at Hungarian GP after rekindling romance with model
LANDO NORRIS was seen arriving at the track with his girlfriend Margarida Corceiro for the first time this season. The British driver, 25, was all smiles when he walked into the McLaren motorhome with the Portuguese actress and model this morning . 5 Lando Norris has been in an on-and-off relationship with model Margarida Corceiro Credit: ALAMY 5 The couple made their first public appearance today ahead of the Hungarian Grand Prix Credit: SHUTTERSTOCK 5 Norris was all too happy to be seen with Corceiro Credit: SHUTTERSTOCK 5 Corceiro stunned at the paddock and McLaren garage on Friday in a plunging dress Credit: SHUTTERSTOCK Norris has rekindled his relationship with Corceiro this season but has kept things low-key up until now, with her often walking into the paddock alone. The couple arrived today just seconds apart from Oscar Piastri, who was holding hands with girlfriend Lily Zneimer. She was first spotted back on the scene this year, supporting him from the McLaren garage at the Monaco Grand Prix at the end of May where he secured a glittering win. READ MORE F1 NEWS Norris and Corceiro's first spell together came shortly after the model had just split from Portuguese footballer Joao Felix. Their relationship split at the time when the Portuguese footballer's initial loan spell at Norris and Corceiro were then seen at the Monte Carlo Masters final in April 2024, although there was no official confirmation of their relationship. The romance was short-lived, though and in August 2024, Norris said he was single. Most read in Motorsport SUN VEGAS WELCOME OFFER: GET £50 BONUS WHEN YOU JOIN 5 When asked if he wanted a dog he gave a short response, saying: 'I don't have time for a dog. "If I do, I need a girlfriend, I don't have one.' Sky Sports forced to apologise as Lando Norris swears live on TV moments after emotional British Grand Prix win Corceiro lit up the paddock and the McLaren garage on Saturday in a revealing plunging dress. Lando needs all the support he can get this term from his loved ones with him locked in a fiercely close title race with his teammate Piastri. There are just 16 points separating the two ahead of this weekend's Hungarian Grand Prix.