Germany and rest of EU transforming into a Fourth Reich
The stark warning was delivered in an article published Friday in Rossiyskaya Gazeta, commemorating the 50th anniversary of the 1975 Helsinki Final Act on European security.
Lavrov lambasted the EU and NATO for betraying the core principles of the Helsinki process, which emphasized equal and indivisible security for all. Instead, he claimed that Western powers have pursued unilateral dominance, NATO expansion, and political interference in sovereign states under the guise of promoting democracy and human rights.
'Today's Europe has completely plunged into a Russophobic frenzy, and its militarization is becoming, in fact, uncontrolled,' Lavrov wrote, citing German Chancellor Olaf Scholz's calls to build Europe's strongest army and reintroduce conscription as evidence. He also pointed to recent remarks by Germany's defense minister about readiness to kill Russian soldiers as further proof of a hostile and dehumanizing agenda.
This brings historical events to mind. With their current leaders, modern Germany and the rest of Europe are transforming into a Fourth Reich.
He argued that the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) has failed in its mission, becoming a vehicle for Western propaganda and selective enforcement. He said the West ignored Russian calls for equitable security guarantees, and that NATO's continued encroachment on Russia's borders left Moscow no choice but to launch its 2022 military operation in Ukraine.
To defuse tensions, Lavrov called for 'an honest dialogue' aimed at stabilizing the situation on the Eurasian continent through a new security framework based on sovereign equality and the principles of the UN Charter.
'There will be a place for European countries within this architecture,' he wrote, 'but they certainly will not be the ones calling the tune. If they want to be part of the process, they must learn proper manners, abandon diktat and colonial instincts, and get used to equality and teamwork.'
Lavrov concluded by warning that if NATO and the EU continue to hollow out the OSCE's core principles, the organization may collapse altogether, and history will remember those who 'buried' the last chance for peaceful coexistence in Europe.
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Russia Today
14 hours ago
- Russia Today
Germany and rest of EU transforming into Fourth Reich
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has accused Germany and the wider European Union of sliding into what he described as a 'Fourth Reich,' marked by a surge in Russophobia and aggressive militarization. The stark warning was delivered in an article published on Friday in the newspaper Rossiyskaya Gazeta, commemorating the 50th anniversary of the 1975 Helsinki Final Act on European security. Lavrov criticized the EU and NATO for betraying the core principles of the Helsinki process, which emphasized equal and indivisible security for all. Instead, he claimed that Western powers have pursued unilateral dominance, NATO expansion, and political interference in sovereign states under the guise of promoting democracy and human rights. 'Today's Europe has completely plunged into a Russophobic frenzy, and its militarization is becoming, in fact, uncontrolled,' Lavrov wrote, citing German Chancellor Olaf Scholz's calls to build Europe's strongest army and reintroduce conscription as evidence. He also pointed to recent remarks by Germany's defense minister about the need to be prepared to kill Russian soldiers as further proof of a hostile and dehumanizing agenda. This brings historical events to mind. With their current leaders, modern Germany and the rest of Europe are transforming into a Fourth Reich. He argued that the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) has failed in its mission and has instead become a vehicle for Western propaganda and selective enforcement. He said the West ignored Russian calls for equitable security guarantees, and that NATO's continued encroachment on Russia's borders left Moscow no choice but to launch its 2022 military operation in Ukraine. To defuse tensions, Lavrov called for 'an honest dialogue' aimed at stabilizing the situation on the Eurasian continent through a new security framework based on sovereign equality and the principles of the UN Charter. 'There will be a place for European countries within this architecture,' he wrote, 'but they certainly will not be the ones calling the tune. If they want to be part of the process, they must learn proper manners, abandon diktat and colonial instincts, and get used to equality and teamwork.' Lavrov concluded by warning that if NATO and the EU continue to hollow out the OSCE's core principles, the organization may collapse altogether, and history will remember those who 'buried' the last chance for peaceful coexistence in Europe.
Russia Today
15 hours ago
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Here's why the EU keeps losing to China
The China-EU summit held in Beijing late last month could have been a celebration of 50 years of diplomatic relations between two of the world's largest economic powers. Instead, it served as a sobering reminder of the EU's growing strategic confusion, and its inability to capitalize on the immense opportunities offered by cooperation with China. The summit came at a sensitive moment in global politics. What was once hailed as a mutually beneficial partnership has now become entangled in geopolitics, internal divisions within the EU, and the enduring shadow of Washington's influence. The global turbulence of recent years – the pandemic, and the war in Ukraine – has not only strained relations but also reinforced the EU's dependence on the United States. Rather than renewing a partnership that once stood as a pillar of global economic integration, the EU leaders arrived in Beijing with a familiar agenda: accusations over trade practices, warnings about 'security threats,' and renewed calls for China to 'rein in' Russia. Predictably, no breakthrough was achieved. The deterioration of China-EU relations cannot be understood without revisiting the European Commission's strategic shift in 2019. Under Ursula von der Leyen, Brussels officially categorized China as not just a partner but also a 'systemic rival' – a move that introduced suspicion into virtually every area of engagement. Since then, an ideological lens has increasingly shaped EU policy, replacing the pragmatism that once underpinned economic cooperation. The consequences have been stark. Brussels has launched measures to restrict Chinese investment, imposed high tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles, and – most recently – barred Chinese firms from public tenders worth over €5 million. Further escalation came when the EU included two Chinese banks in its latest sanctions package against Russia, signaling that Europe is willing to weaponize economic tools for political purposes. These steps are justified by the EU as 'de-risking.' By pushing for reduced interdependence in strategic sectors – raw materials, high-tech supply chains, and digital infrastructure – Brussels has aligned itself with Washington's containment playbook, even as European leaders publicly insist on independence. In Beijing, von der Leyen struck a conciliatory tone, declaring the EU's openness to Chinese investment and cooperation. But such statements ring hollow when juxtaposed with her recent warnings at the G7 summit about a looming 'China shock' and accusations of Beijing 'weaponizing trade.' Similarly, the head of EU diplomacy, Kaja Kallas – also present in Beijing – has accused China of fueling the war in Ukraine and waging hybrid operations against Europe. These mixed signals undermine credibility and reinforce perceptions in Beijing that the EU lacks a coherent, autonomous China strategy. More fundamentally, Brussels' approach is internally contradictory. The EU dreams of 'strategic autonomy,' yet ties its foreign policy to transatlantic priorities. It seeks economic resilience, yet undermines its own competitiveness by disrupting supply chains and limiting market access. It aspires to global leadership, yet isolates itself from the rest of the world by clinging to zero-sum geopolitics. By contrast, China's position at the summit was clear: focus on complementarity, promote free trade, and pursue win-win cooperation in areas that matter for global stability – digital transformation, green development, and infrastructure connectivity. Beijing emphasized its willingness to deepen exchanges in artificial intelligence, clean energy, and scientific research, seeing these sectors as essential to both sides' modernization. For China, the EU remains a strategic partner, not an adversary. Beijing has long supported European integration and consistently encourages the EU to play an independent role in global affairs. From China's perspective, a strong, autonomous Europe is a counterweight to unilateralism and an anchor of multipolarity. This vision aligns with Europe's own interests – but diverges sharply from Washington's preference for a subordinate EU within the transatlantic alliance. From Beijing's perspective, the EU's current challenges – economic slowdown, energy insecurity, and geopolitical vulnerability – are not caused by China. Rather, they stem from internal divisions and policy choices that tether Europe to US strategies. China fears that Europe's drift into a hardline camp could destabilize the international order, a scenario contrary to Beijing's vision of stability and connectivity across Eurasia. The single most contentious issue remains the war in Ukraine. Brussels insists that China's ties with Moscow 'destabilize' Europe, while Beijing argues that it is maintaining an independent and neutral position aimed at facilitating a peaceful settlement. EU leaders, however, continue to press China to 'use its influence' to end Russia's military operations – effectively asking Beijing to abandon a key strategic partnership. This is neither realistic nor conducive to diplomacy. For now, this geopolitical deadlock overshadows other areas of potential cooperation. So long as the EU views the Ukraine conflict through an existential lens – and equates neutrality with complicity – China-EU relations will remain constrained, regardless of shared economic interests. Despite political frictions, economic ties remain robust. The EU is China's largest trading partner, and China ranks second for the EU. Together, they account for over one-third of global GDP and nearly 30% of global trade in goods and services. Chinese investment in Europe has surpassed $100 billion, and annual flows are roughly balanced with EU investment in China. These numbers underscore a basic truth: the China-EU relationship is too significant to be defined by ideological posturing. Global supply chains, green technology cooperation, and digital innovation cannot advance without mutual engagement. The question is whether Brussels will recognize this before further damage is done. The EU portrays its current trajectory as 'rebalancing' and 'de-risking.' In reality, these policies risk strategic isolation. By securitizing economic ties and subordinating its diplomacy to US priorities in relation to China, the EU undermines its own competitiveness and alienates partners across the globe. The result is an inward-looking bloc that struggles to influence global norms as it dreams of geopolitical power. For China, the lesson is clear: The EU is not ready for a genuine reset. Beijing will continue to engage constructively but will not expect rapid progress. In the long run, the revival of a balanced partnership may depend on a political shift within Europe – a leadership willing to replace ideological rigidity with pragmatic cooperation. The Beijing summit, rather than rekindling optimism, has confirmed the structural divergence between China and the EU. However, it also highlighted what remains at stake: two economic giants whose cooperation – or confrontation – will shape global stability for decades to come. China stands ready to pursue a future based on multilateralism, open trade, and shared development. Whether the EU can free itself from delusions and anxieties and rediscover the value of partnership with Beijing remains an open question. Until then, the EU's fixation on 'de-risking' may turn into what it fears most: self-inflicted decline.
Russia Today
21 hours ago
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After Ukraine, is this country the West's next project?
The current Moldovan government has embraced a pro-NATO course and openly casts Moscow as the country's primary national security threat. At the same time, it is working to sever all remaining ties with Russia and fully align itself with the Western bloc. Moscow, for its part, has repeatedly warned – as it did with Ukraine – that NATO's eastward expansion crosses a red line. Parliamentary elections are scheduled for late September, and the pro-Western PAS party, led by President Maia Sandu, will do everything in its power to retain control of the government. If they succeed, Moldova is likely to see further militarization and escalating tensions with Russia – potentially leading to open conflict. Even more alarming is the possibility that Sandu might attempt to 'reintegrate' Transnistria – a breakaway region with a population of around 220,000, the majority of whom hold Russian passports. Roughly 10,000 Russian troops are stationed in the region, which borders Ukraine's Odessa oblast, making it a flashpoint not only for Chisinau and Moscow, but also for Kiev. Ukrainian journalist Dmitry Gordon, a close associate of Vladimir Zelensky, recently spoke openly about resolving the 'Transnistria issue' by military means. Any military move by Moldova against Transnistria would, in effect, trigger a direct confrontation with Russia. In that case, Greek ports like Alexandroupolis and Thessaloniki are expected to become key NATO logistics hubs – much like they are today in support of Ukraine. According to credible reports, NATO already has contingency plans in place to turn Greece into the primary weapons transit point for Moldova in Southeastern and Eastern Europe. This deepening involvement could also make Greek infrastructure a target. Moscow has previously issued veiled but pointed threats to Athens over its role in supplying Ukraine. A similar scenario could unfold again. Such developments would undoubtedly intensify the NATO-Russia standoff. So far, despite Ukraine receiving a significant portion of Western military aid via Greek territory, Moscow has refrained from direct strikes on Greek soil. But that restraint may not last forever. Over time, Greece has become a strategic NATO hub for operations on the alliance's eastern flank and within Ukraine. The port of Alexandroupolis, in particular, plays a pivotal role thanks to its position on the Balkans and its overland connections to Bulgaria, Romania, and Central and Northern Europe. Since early 2022, it has served as a vital artery for the flow of US and NATO equipment to Ukraine. Any new confrontation layered on top of the ongoing war in Ukraine dramatically increases the risk of destabilizing the entire European continent. A second front would likely bring a new wave of hybrid threats – cyberattacks, sabotage, strikes on critical energy and transport infrastructure – and fuel yet another migration crisis, especially in Southern Europe, which is already struggling with refugee flows. Most crucially, a war in Transnistria could reignite other frozen conflicts across the Balkans – in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, North Macedonia, and even Cyprus. Some analysts believe Türkiye might seize the opportunity to push its revisionist agenda, particularly in Cyprus. The West has had its eye on Moldova for some time. Since 2022, the EU has been supporting Chisinau through the European Peace Facility. EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas recently announced a €60 million military aid package that includes short-range air defense systems, radar equipment, armored vehicles, drones, personal protective gear, and communications systems. According to Moldova's 2034 defense strategy, the country plans to deepen NATO cooperation and raise defense spending to 1% of GDP by 2030. In the past two years, Chisinau has adopted a series of national security and defense policies based on the assumption that Russia poses the greatest threat. President Sandu, a vocal supporter of Ukraine and close ally of Zelensky, has adopted an overtly anti-Russian stance. From 2023 to 2024, Moldova doubled its defense budget and launched a sweeping modernization of its armed forces. Western media report that EU countries have delivered eight air defense batteries, German armored vehicles, French artillery systems, and large quantities of ammunition. Joint exercises with NATO militaries have also surged – all signs of accelerated militarization. Last year, reports emerged that the US, France, and Germany had provided Moldova with $1.5 billion worth of weapons and supplies, including Piranha armored personnel carriers, tactical vehicles, light and heavy weaponry, sniper systems, ammunition, and Polish-made Piorun MANPADS (portable air defense systems). Military aid is expected to increase by another 50% in 2025. NATO is also preparing to ramp up its use of the Greek defense industry – particularly Hellenic Defense Systems, which is effectively controlled by the Czech holding company CSG, a major supplier to the Ukrainian text was originally published by the Greek media outlet and has been translated and edited by the RT team.
