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Their synagogue taught them to build peace. Then an antisemitic attack hit

Their synagogue taught them to build peace. Then an antisemitic attack hit

CNN04-06-2025

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Fifteen minutes outside of downtown Boulder, Colorado, sandwiched between a golf course and a marsh, is Congregation Bonai Shalom.
In Hebrew, bonai shalom means 'builders of peace,' and the congregation welcomes both Jews and non-Jews to participate in all aspects of the community.
But that peace was shattered when an antisemitic attack at an event in support of hostages in Gaza left six members of the congregation injured, including one woman who was a Holocaust survivor.
The attack, the latest in a wave of antisemitic violence that has stretched from coast to coast, has further horrified the Jewish community.
'The fact that in 2025 someone can just literally try to burn Jews to death on the streets of Boulder, Colorado, is shocking,' Congregation Bonai Shalom Rabbi Marc Soloway said.
'We're grieving.'
Six others were injured in the firebombing attack. Some suffered severe burns.
The suspected attacker, Mohamed Soliman, has been charged with hate crime and attempted murder.
The emotional trauma is 'immense,' Soloway said.
'I still feel ripples,' he said, telling CNN's Erica Hill the whole Jewish community is 'traumatized.' One congregant is 'touch-and-go' with horrific burns all over her body, Soloway said. The attack, he added, brought back 'horrendous memories' of our own Jewish history.
Barbara Steinmetz, who escaped the Holocaust as a child, was one of the congregants injured in Sunday's attack. Steinmetz said her family fled Europe in the 1940s, according to the CU Independent, the student news website for the University of Colorado Boulder.
Her father, she said, applied for asylum to countless countries before the Dominican Republic accepted them. The family immigrated to the United States years later, and she moved to Boulder in 2006. Steinmetz was honored by the Boulder Jewish Community Center in 2020 for creating positive change throughout Boulder County.
Jonathan Lev, executive director at the Boulder Jewish Community Center, said the victims were pillars who helped build the community.
'They bring to life what Jewish life can be,' he said.
After what happened on Sunday, he said, 'how could you not be scared?'
The shock traveled to Pittsburgh, where Michael Bernstein, chair of the board for the Tree of Life, said it felt all too familiar — and brought back recent memories.
In 2018, a gunman killed 11 worshippers and wounded six others at the Tree of Life Synagogue. It was the deadliest-ever attack on Jewish people in the United States.
'The hearts of our community, I know, are aching right now,' Bernstein told CNN's Bianna Golodryga. 'We know what happens when an attack like this shatters a community.'
The Boulder Jewish Community Center, just down the road from Congregation Bonai Shalom, is hosting a community vigil Wednesday night.
'Healing begins with coming together in community,' a joint statement from leaders in the Boulder Jewish community said.
'We're resilient,' Soloway added. 'We're here for each other, and we'll get through it.'
He said peaceful walks for the Israeli hostages in Gaza, like the one his congregants were participating in on Sunday, should continue.
Congregation Bonai Shalom's calendar is packed with summer events. There are shabbat services and bar mitzvahs. On Thursday, there's a conversation about immigration scheduled. A poetry and reflection meeting is planned for the end of the month.
A Boulder Jewish Festival will still take place on Sunday despite the attack.
We are 'taking steps to reimagine the event in a way that helps our community heal and feels grounded in the reality' of the attack, the Boulder Jewish community's statement said.
Continuing to celebrate the Jewish community and traditions is part of the healing process, said Maggie Feinstein, the director of a healing partnership founded in Pittsburgh after the Tree of Life shooting.
She encouraged those affected by the attacks to lean into Jewish joy and ritual.
'Don't shy away from that, even though that was what somebody tries to tear apart,' Feinstein said. 'If we stop the ritual of joy, then it's hard to be resilient.'
Lev, the Boulder Jewish Community Center executive director, said the community is choosing to respond to the grief and threat with 'love, connection and community.'
Soloway said he and his congregation have received 'outpourings of love from other faith partners.'
'They're here for us, we're here for each other,' he said.
His congregation already had an event planned for Friday before Sunday's attack. The session, planned before the attack, is timely.
Reverend Pedro Senhorinha Silva, Soloway's friend, is scheduled to lead a reflection called 'Joy Comes in the Morning.'
The session, the congregation said, will explore how to hold grief in one hand and joy in the other.
CNN's Alisha Ebrahimji and Shimon Prokupecz contributed to this report.

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I'm Oppenheimer's grandson. We can still go from crisis to conversation on Iran.
I'm Oppenheimer's grandson. We can still go from crisis to conversation on Iran.

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time28 minutes ago

  • USA Today

I'm Oppenheimer's grandson. We can still go from crisis to conversation on Iran.

Dialogue alone won't solve the problem. But it's where every solution begins. It also allows us to talk about the hopeful side of nuclear science. So I'm proposing something unconventional. The war in Iran has been terrifying. It pushed the threat of nuclear weapons back to the forefront of global consciousness. And yet – somehow – we've made it through this conflict in better shape than many feared, assuming the ceasefire holds. We now have an unexpected opportunity to turn this narrow escape into something bigger: a chance to expand global peace and security. Like many, I have serious criticisms of how we got here. A nation that has never signed the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons Treaty, Israel, used its undeclared nuclear status as leverage to launch a war against a country, Iran, that has no nuclear weapons and has submitted to international inspections. This directly sabotaged promising diplomatic efforts between Iran and America. When the United States entered the conflict with a military strike June 21, Americans braced for another endless war in the Middle East. And yet, remarkably, we've arrived at a ceasefire. That outcome wasn't inevitable. It required restraint from Tehran and surprising restraint from Washington. Credit must be given where it's due: President Donald Trump played a central role in stopping the escalation, using his signature unconventional diplomacy. That success offers a model ‒ if we're willing to learn from it. Lesson 1: Stop the proliferation of nuclear weapons fuel Since the first atomic breakthrough, one truth has remained: Safety in the nuclear age requires cooperation ‒ even with adversaries. Nuclear science is not a secret that can be kept, it's a fact of nature. From J. Robert Oppenheimer onward, scientists knew the only real safeguard was shared control of enriched uranium that can be used for bombs. We need more cooperation to prevent nuclear proliferation ‒ not just in Iran, but everywhere. Gen. Wesley Clark: This is the moment for American leadership in Middle East. We can't miss it. Lesson 2: Strengthen the institutions that have kept us alive The Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) is more than a piece of paper. It is the backbone of the global nuclear order. It has slowed the spread of weapons, legitimized peaceful nuclear energy and built mechanisms for trust. The International Atomic Energy Agency ‒ through science and diplomacy, not force ‒ upholds this system. We must double down on supporting countries that respect these rules and hold accountable those, like Israel and North Korea, that operate outside them. The real nuclear threat before us The dangerous gamble to start a war in order to stop a single weapon from being developed must not become the global standard. Because the far greater danger isn't Iran or any one rogue nation ‒ it's a nuclear exchange between superpowers. That remains the true and growing risk, and it could even happen by accident. A false alarm, a cyberattack or a miscommunication could trigger an unstoppable chain reaction. Once missiles fly among the United States, Russia and China, no leader or even unconventional diplomacy can stop it. There won't be time. Opinion: Our nuclear weapons are much more powerful than Oppenheimer's atomic bomb So what can we do? We build on what has worked. Trump's success in brokering a ceasefire should now be expanded ‒ first to end the Gaza conflict, and then to revive stalled denuclearization dialogue. Trump has previously called for nuclear talks among America, China and Russia. That is exactly the right idea ‒ and this could be the moment. Charles Oppenheimer: I support President Trump's pursuit of nuclear diplomacy Some will call that impossible. 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Robert Oppenheimer to push for a safer future. So I'm proposing something unconventional: an 'Oppenheimer Dinner,' inviting representatives from Washington, Beijing and Moscow to a private, off-the-record dialogue about how to reduce the risk of real nuclear war ‒ and discuss the positive side of nuclear energy. Dialogue alone won't solve the problem. But it's where every solution begins. It also allows us to talk about the hopeful side of nuclear science. The same technology that could destroy civilization can also power it, giving us clean energy, medical breakthroughs and global prosperity. It's up to us to choose which future we want ‒ and there is no time like the present. 'We can have each other to dinner. We ourselves, and with each other by our converse, can create not an architecture of global scope, but an immense, intricate network of intimacy, illumination, and understanding.' — J. Robert Oppenheimer, 1958 Charles Oppenheimer is the founder and co-executive director of the Oppenheimer Project. He is the grandson of J. Robert Oppenheimer, the director of the Los Alamos National Laboratory during the Manhattan Project.

CNN's Scott Jennings rips liberal Supreme Court Justice Elena Kagan for nationwide injunction hypocrisy: ‘Some of these folks really are hacks'
CNN's Scott Jennings rips liberal Supreme Court Justice Elena Kagan for nationwide injunction hypocrisy: ‘Some of these folks really are hacks'

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time6 hours ago

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CNN's Scott Jennings rips liberal Supreme Court Justice Elena Kagan for nationwide injunction hypocrisy: ‘Some of these folks really are hacks'

New York Post may be compensated and/or receive an affiliate commission if you click or buy through our links. Featured pricing is subject to change. Conservative CNN pundit Scott Jennings ripped liberal Supreme Court Justice Elena Kegan as a partisan hack for opposing the elimination of nationwide injunctions – despite wanting to end the practice when President Biden was in power. Jennings called out Kagan – one of three dissenters in Friday's historic Supreme Court ruling that prevents district court judges from interfering with a president's agenda – for previously and publicly slamming the widespread abuse of nationwide injunctions during a Democratic presidency. 'I was trying to sort out my feelings on this matter, and I came up with a quote from a very smart lawyer, and I just want to quote it, because I think she was right when she said it,' the political commentator quipped on CNN's 'Saturday Morning Table for Five.' ''It just can't be right that one district judge can stop a nationwide policy in its tracks.' Justice Elena Kagan in 2022 said that, of course, when we had a democratic president. Now she voted against the decision on Friday. 'Just goes to show you that some of these folks really are hacks.' The lefty justice made the comment at a Northwestern University law school talk three years ago. Kagan told the audience that 'It just can't be right that one district judge can stop a nationwide policy in its tracks and leave it stopped for the years that it takes to go through the normal process.' Jennings called the 6-3 ruling a 'great day' for Trump after host Abby Phillips remarked how nationwide injunctions have 'been sort of the bane of existence' for both Democratic and Republican presidents. 'I'm glad they went ahead and fixed it because it's not right that one of these individual district court judges can act like a king or a monarch and stop the elected president from acting,' Jennings added. President Trump has been slapped with at least 25 national injunctions on everything from spending reforms to education policy and deportation policies in the first five months of his second term in the White House. Kagan's liberal peers, Justices Sonia Sotomayor and Ketanji Brown Jackson, also voted along ideological lines to reject the high court decision.

Old Photo Reveals Truth About Missing Mom
Old Photo Reveals Truth About Missing Mom

Buzz Feed

time8 hours ago

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Old Photo Reveals Truth About Missing Mom

I tried not to stare when I first saw her. Her gaunt, heavily lined face made her look older than I expected. She wore a dingy pumpkin-orange thrift-store turtleneck that swallowed her 5-foot-7, 98-pound frame. But her ice-blue eyes sparkled like a kid's on Christmas morning. 'Oh boy! Oh boy,' she said, walking toward me with outstretched arms. 'It's so good to see you!' That was the first of many visits. Most followed the same script: her astonished joy upon my arrival, my mechanical hug, and then sitting on her couch to talk about her favorite topic, classic torch love songs from the 1950s and early '60s. 'Who's the better singer?' I'd ask. 'Frank Sinatra or Nat King Cole?' She'd close her eyes to ponder. 'Nat King Cole,' she'd announce, nodding in reverence. After about an hour, I'd stand to leave. Her smile would evaporate. Another awkward hug. As I left, she'd call out, 'Don't take any wooden nickels.' On the surface, we had nothing in common. She was a white Irish Catholic woman who grew up in a famil y that freely used the N-word, thought that Black people were lazy, and believed that Black and white people should live apart. I was a young Black man who grew up primarily in foster homes in a Black inner-city neighborhood where just about everyone — including me — regarded white people with distrust or contempt. Yet she was my mother. And, as the years have passed, she's become something else. She's the person I find myself turning to when I struggle with the mixture of emotions that so many Americans are experiencing right now. Many of us are exhausted, demoralized, and drained by constant political and racial divisions. Countless Americans have become, as author David Brooks put it in a recent essay, 'passive, discouraged. … They've lost the confidence to wish for more.' I've been swimming in this grim national mood for years. As a journalist at CNN and elsewhere, I've covered virtually every so-called racially transformative event in America during the past 32 years, from the Rodney King riots in 1992 to the George Floyd 'racial reckoning.' All of them generated massive hope for transformational change; all were followed by a massive letdown. At my lowest moments, I've wondered whether human beings are too susceptible to racism and tribalism to make democracy work. But my mother offered another way to look at the future, without ever intending to do so. She was a person who seemed to have no power or reason to hope. Still she, and others like her, gave me the confidence to wish for more. *** In the beginning, I thought I'd never know her. When I was born in the mid-1960s, interracial marriage and intimate interracial relationships were illegal in Maryland, as in much of the country. My mother vanished from my life not long after I was born, and so did her family. No one told me why. I didn't know what she looked like. My father's name was on my birth certificate, but hers was not. All he told me and my younger brother, Patrick, was this: 'Your mother's name is Shirley, she's white, and her family hates Black people.' Their hatred did not surprise me. I grew up in a West Baltimore neighborhood that served as the setting for the HBO series ,, a crime drama that depicted a Black inner-city community ravaged by racism and drug violence. I routinely heard my friends and neighbors refer to white people as 'honkies' and 'crackers.' I heard white people yell 'Nigger!' when I strayed into their neighborhoods. During my entire time in Baltimore's public schools — from Head Start to high school graduation — I saw only one white student. It wasn't the time or place to be biracial. There were no biracial public figures like former President Barack Obama or former Vice President Kamala Harris when I grew up in the 1970s and early '80s. I was too ashamed to tell anyone my mother was white. I marked her race as 'Black' on school forms. I became a closeted biracial person. At 17, though, I discovered that there was one place worse than my neighborhood: where I first met my mom. There was another reason why I tried not to stare when I first saw her. I was trying to hide my emotions because I was in shock. I was standing in the waiting room of a psychiatric facility called Crownsville Hospital Center in rural Maryland. My mother had been diagnosed with schizophrenia, a severe mental illness. I didn't make that discovery until I met her in Crownsville. No one in my family, including my father, had told me — not even on the car ride to the hospital. They didn't know how. My father had waited until I had graduated from high school to suddenly ask me one day if I wanted to meet my mom. He didn't think I could handle knowing about her illness until I became a young man. Many people didn't talk openly about mental illness in their families when I met my mother in the early 1980s. For over 30 years, I blocked out most of the memories from that first meeting, but one detail lingered. Before I left, my mother looked at me and made a request. 'Will you send me a St. Jude prayer book?' she asked. 'Ah, yeah, I will,' I said, not knowing at the time that St. Jude is the patron saint of hopeless causes. Outwardly, I didn't skip a beat after that meeting. I attended and graduated from Howard University, a historically Black college in Washington, D.C., where Kamala Harris was a classmate. I became a journalist at several newspapers before joining CNN. But I had stepped out of one closet into another. Now, I was ashamed that my mother had a mental illness. I didn't even tell my closest friends. It took two years to tell the woman I would date and marry about my mom's illness — and another two into our marriage before allowing them to meet. In the life I hid from others, I tried to build a relationship with my mom. I wrote her a flood of letters, telling her about myself, my dreams and my hope that we could get to know each other. There would be no reply for months, and then a letter would finally arrive. I'd tear it open to find a single sheet from a yellow legal pad, with large cursive letters spilling over the margins: ' Dear John! I could use some money and to see you in person. Could you send a picture of yourself and Pat for Mother's Day? I need another St. Jude prayer book. Love, Shirley. ' Personal visits were no better. She would drift away in the middle of conversations. She'd forget what we talked about two minutes earlier. Her lips would tremble, and she'd lapse into silence if I asked too many questions about her past. At times, she'd sense my frustration, turn to me and say with a rueful smile, 'Don't mind me. I'm crazy.' Each visit left me more depressed. My mother had been a mystery when I had no contact with her — and even more so once she was in my life. Her mental illness was like a thick fog; I didn't know how to navigate around it to see her. All I could see was schizophrenia. In my 30s, I gave up. I stopped writing her letters and trying to reach her through conversations. I kept visiting her and mailing her St. Jude trinkets, but I was just checking a box. Our visits were filled with awkward silences. I didn't expect our relationship to change. One day, when my wife, Terry, asked me why I didn't talk more about my mother, I cut her off. 'All I do is send her money,' I said with a heavy sigh. 'I can't really communicate with her. There's nothing left to tell.' *** But there was so much to her story that had not been told. One night, when I was about 19, my father reached into a Ziploc bag and pulled out a sepia-stained black-and-white photo. In the photo, a young white woman with a beehive hairdo looked at the camera with a wide, dimpled smile. She was holding a cigarette in her right hand and looked like she was about to burst into laughter. She looked confident, and her eyes sparkled with intelligence and mischief. It was my mother. The photo was taken when she was 20, the same year she gave birth to me. I couldn't stop staring at the photo. It bore little resemblance to the fragile woman I knew. I set out to learn about the woman in that photo. I pressed relatives to talk about my parents' relationship. I knew the outline: They met in 1963 at a hospital in downtown Baltimore. My mother was a nurse's assistant, and my father, Clifton Sr., was in the Merchant Marines. Their first date was a disaster. My father couldn't persuade a Black cabdriver to take him to my mom's house because she lived in a white working-class neighborhood where no Blacks dared venture. When my father finally did knock on her door, her father answered. He tried to shove my father off the doorstep and called the police. 'This nigger is trying to see my daughter,' my mother's father told the arriving officers. They arrested my father for disturbing the peace. My mother decided that she would visit my father instead. She started taking walks toward my father's house in West Baltimore, which was the central meeting place for my father's extended family. My relatives described her as 'quick-witted,' 'chatty' and driven to help people in need. She sat on my father's front steps, smoking Marlboro cigarettes with my uncles, and hung out in the kitchen to watch my paternal grandmother, Daisy, sing Negro spirituals while baking sweet potato pies. My father's family didn't know what to make of her. In the early 1960s, white politicians routinely warned against the evils of 'race-mixing.' Psychiatrists declared in scholarly journals that whites who married or 'mated' with Blacks had a death wish or sought an outlet for 'deviant' sexual urges. Baltimore passed the nation's first racially restrictive housing law in 1910, which banned Black people from buying homes in white neighborhoods and vice versa, and was heavily segregated when my parents met. My father's relatives chuckled as they recalled a 20-year-old white woman walking alone into an all-Black neighborhood to see a Black man. 'It was like a breakthrough,' my cousin Reese recalled. 'She was a white woman on the block, not scared, not worried about being attacked, not looking over her shoulder. She didn't seem to be conscious of her color. She was like one of the family.' I then heard stories that filled a hole in my heart that I didn't even know was there. Unprompted, relatives recounted memories of a doting young mom who took her two children on walks in the park, rubbed her nose against their bellies while they giggled and sang Patsy Cline and Tony Bennett songs to them. My mom loved to sing one song in particular to me, Doris Day's ' Que Sera Sera (Whatever Will Be, Will Be).' Try as I might, though, I have no memories of those moments. Mercifully, I also have no memory of what happened next. My mother's illness became apparent after she gave birth to Patrick, nine months after I was born. She started drifting away during conversations, chain-smoking and disappearing for long solitary walks. She couldn't keep a job. When my parents moved into an apartment together, she'd leave with the gas stove on or the front door ajar. My parents never married. 'She tried, but she didn't have the capacity to do normal things,' my father told me. 'She wanted to be accepted like normal people.' And then one day, my relatives said, she disappeared. Years later, Patrick accidentally discovered the reason why while consulting her Social Security records. Her father had placed her in a psychiatric facility, a not uncommon fate in the 1950s and early 1960s for white women in interracial relationships. Hearing how my parents' relationship ended left me emotionally numb. I no longer wanted to know more about my mother — every story seemed to end in tragedy. I thought I would never meet any semblance of the vibrant woman in that old photograph. But there was another side to those stories about my mom that I had overlooked. It was her 'marvelous victory.' *** Part of that victory can be seen in a viral photograph from last year that is now forgotten because the news cycle has moved on. It's a snapshot of Kamala Harris taken last summer during her acceptance speech at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago. It was shot from the point of view of a brown biracial girl in a pink pantsuit and pigtails, transfixed as she gazes upward at Harris from the front row at the United Center in Chicago. The girl is Amara, Harris' great-niece, age 8. It's easy to see why the photo went viral. It was a sneak preview of a Brown New America. The U.S. is projected to become a majority-minority country (the majority of citizens will be non-white) by 2044. The number of people who identify as multiracial increased by 276% over the past decade. Advertisements today routinely depict interracial couples, straight and gay, along with their children. And some of our most prominent public figures — Obama, Harris, film director Jordan Peele and NFL quarterback Patrick Mahomes — are biracial. The acceptance of interracial marriage cuts across racial and partisan lines. Harris and Doug Emhoff, her Jewish husband, were the first interracial couple to reach the highest levels of the executive branch, but they were immediately followed by another interracial couple, GOP Vice President JD Vance and his wife, Usha Chilukuri Vance, the daughter of Indian immigrants. Some white supremacists objected to Usha Vance's race but even within the MAGA universe there is widespread acceptance of the Vances' interracial marriage. Someday, perhaps soon, an interracial couple will occupy the White House. It's easy to miss, but Usha Vance's ascension and Harris' groundbreaking run for the White House represents one of the greatest victories of the Civil Rights Movement: the normalization of interracial marriage and biracial people throughout America. When Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson was sworn in as a Supreme Court justice in 2022, few if any news stories dwelled on the fact that her husband is white. The casual acceptance of interracial couples at even the highest echelon of American life demonstrates something that's so important to remember today: how quickly people's attitudes on seemingly intractable issues can shift. When a Gallup poll asked Americans about their views on marriage between Black and white people in 1958, only 4% approved. Gallup asked the same question in 2021, and 94% approved — an all-time high. Public opinion about one of the most entrenched racial taboos in American history went from near-universal disapproval to virtual universal approval within a lifetime. How did this happen? The quick answer is that in June 1967, the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously struck down 'anti-miscegenation' laws in the Loving v. Virginia case. But something else also made it happen. It was a choice that certain people made and a type of courage they all displayed. One of them was my mom. I only saw my mom as this fragile flower, but my brother, Patrick, was the first to notice another side to her. One morning, he took her to a hair salon that served women in a group home where our mom lived. She had been transferred to the home with other women with severe mental illnesses after Crownsville was shut down, in part, for mistreating patients. While they were waiting, our mom watched a hairdresser berate and throw hair products at a woman sitting in her chair. 'She's a bitch,' my mom said, her eyes narrowed on the hairdresser. Patrick had never heard our mother speak in such an indignant tone before. He suppressed a smile. 'Mom, do you know you just said a bad word?' 'I'm sorry, Pat.' Our mom briefly paused, then added, 'But she is a bitch.' As I dug deeper into old family stories, I discovered that my mom had long been infuriated by any display of injustice. She glared back at white people who stared at her while she walked in public with my father in the early 1960s. Sometimes she'd say, 'You act like you ain't never seen people before.' She and my father trashed a bar when the bartender refused to serve them. Once, I heard my mom say she had been arrested as a young woman. For what, I inquired. 'For opening my big fat mouth,' she said with a wide grin. Even her illness couldn't erase her spirit of defiance. I hated visiting her group homes. Some were run by good people who treated my mom with compassion, but many seemed designed to crush whatever humanity was left of those consigned there. Unscrupulous caretakers stole from or bullied people in their care. Some confined them to squalid, roach-infested rooms. When I came in to greet my mom, I'd often see heavily medicated residents sitting on couches, staring zombie-like at soap operas on television. Most of them hadn't received a visitor in years. There were few smiles or genuine laughter in these environments. But my mom could somehow bring light into the most desolate places. Patrick sneaked into a group home to surprise our mom one morning, only to be shocked by what he saw: our mother bopping and weaving down a 'Soul Train' dance line as the group home staff and residents cheered her on. Any gifts we sent her quickly disappeared because, we discovered, she gave most of them away to other group home members who she said needed them more. And when the Covid-19 pandemic hit, her caretaker had to buy a separate living room chair for my mom to enforce social distancing rules. All of the group home members wanted to sit near her. I didn't appreciate the depth of her defiance until I was in my mid-50s, when I did something that I had never done: I traveled to her childhood home in Baltimore. On an overcast summer morning, I drove to Mill Hill, my mother's childhood community. She lived on Wilkins Avenue, on a quintessential Baltimore block of gleaming marble steps, neat row houses and a still-stately St. Benedict Church, where my mom was confirmed. I parked my rental car and walked to the spot where my father had been assaulted and arrested for trying to date my mother over 50 years ago. I scanned the street to see white, Black and brown neighbors talking to one another from their front steps and hanging out together at a corner tavern. I was surprised by something other than the racial mix. When I looked at my smartphone's app, I was stunned to discover that my father's former home was only 4.1 miles away. I had no idea that my estranged white and Black relatives had lived so close to one another. Racial segregation was so entrenched when my parents met that their families might as well have lived in separate solar systems. Baltimore's segregation wasn't just racial; it was also ethnic. Jews, Italians and Poles kept to their neighborhoods. Outsiders, particularly those who had the 'wrong' color, risked getting hurt walking into the wrong area. As I stood in front of my mom's childhood home, I imagined for the first time what it must have been like for her. The contemporary Wilkins Avenue landscape dissolved, and the circa early 1960s Wilkins Avenue appeared. I saw her — a thin, young white woman with a beehive hairdo — close the front door and walk toward a neighborhood to meet people her family and community had told her to hate. I paused outside my car and shook my head in admiration, and confusion. Damn, I thought. Why would she take such a risk? I'm still not quite sure. Was my mother's relationship with my father driven by youthful rebellion, the allure of a taboo relationship, or was it an early symptom of the illness that would engulf her? Or was it truly love? I learned through others that my parents remained close after she was institutionalized. My father routinely visited my mother and continued to take care of her even when his health began to fail late in his life. What I do know is that she did something that remains so important: She refused to accept the status quo. My mother was part of a vanguard of Black, brown and white people who would smash a taboo against interracial relationships that had been enshrined as law for centuries. They didn't wait for the Supreme Court or politicians to tell them whom to love. I was born four years before the Loving decision. Like most big changes, it started small, with countless acts of invisible courage from everyday people. My mother's decision to walk from Wilkins Avenue to my father's house ' sent forth a tiny ripple of hope.' That ripple fed into another, emboldening others to do the same. Those ripples eventually turned into a tsunami that gave us the Loving decision and a New America — one where a brown girl in a pink pantsuit could look at a biracial woman making a credible run for the White House or another brown woman at the White House today and think, 'That could be me one day.' This was the same dynamic that gave us marriage equality. Everyday people acted first, coming out to their parents, friends and co-workers; the politicians and courts followed later. As I returned to my car and drove away from Wilkins Avenue, I smiled. I felt a warm sensation well up in my chest, and something else that I'd never felt before about my mom: pride. Pride that I was her son. She was no hopeless cause. She was more powerful than she realized. She, and others like her, helped make Usha Vance and Kamala Harris possible. The historian and activist Howard Zinn said there is a tendency among people 'to think that what we see in the present moment will continue.' He said people often forget how often throughout history people have been astonished by extraordinary changes in people's thoughts, by unexpected eruptions of rebellion against tyrannies, and 'by the quick collapse of systems of power that seemed invincible.' He said that if people only look at the worst in the past and present, it destroys their capacity to act. 'And if we do act, in however small a way, we don't have to wait for some grand utopian future,' Zinn wrote. 'The future is an infinite succession of presents, and to live now as we think human beings should live, in defiance of all that is bad around us, is itself a marvelous victory.' *** After Wilkins Avenue, my visits to my mom changed. I painted her fingernails. I asked her to sing 'Que Sera Sera.' I asked her to show me some dance moves. And I laughed along with her as she did a little shimmy of her hips. I stopped dwelling on what I had lost; I became grateful for what remained. My wife noticed. 'You used to hug your mom like she was an eggshell and get frustrated when you couldn't talk to her the way you wanted,' Terry told me one night. 'And now?' I asked her. 'You hug her tighter now, and you're not afraid of the silence when you talk to her.' During one of my last visits with my mom, Terry took a photo that I treasure. We stopped by my mother's group home in Baltimore on a luminous summer day with oak trees in full bloom. That visit followed the same script: a ring of the doorbell, the scurrying of footsteps behind the front door, and my mom gleefully shouting, 'Oh my Lord, Oh my Lord!' Terry's smartphone camera snapped what happened after the front door swung open. I leaned forward and wrapped my arms around my mother as she pillowed her face on my shoulder, a contented smile on her face. If I could have written a caption for that photo, it would be the final words I wrote to her not long after that visit — words that she never saw. It's what I wished I could have said to her so many years earlier. ' Now I see you, Mom. I finally see you.' John Blake is an award-winning journalist for He is the author of 'More Than I Imagined: What a Black Man Discovered About the White Mother He Never Knew.' Blake's memoir has won five book awards, including the 2024 Christopher Awards, which celebrates books that 'affirm the highest values of the human spirit.' Blake has spoken at colleges, symposiums and in documentaries on race, religion and politics. He is a graduate of Howard University and a native of Baltimore. For more info, visit his website. This story originally ran on HuffPost in February 2025 and was re-published on June 12, 2025 — the 58th anniversary of the Loving v. Virginia Supreme Court decision, as part of HuffPost Personal's 'Best Of' series today.

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