
EU delays retaliatory tariffs against US amid hopes for trade deal
Ursula von der Leyen, the president of the European Commission, said on Sunday that the bloc would extend its suspension of countermeasures as it continued negotiations with the Trump administration.
'At the same time, we will continue to prepare for the countermeasures, so we're fully prepared,' von der Leyen said during a news conference in Brussels.
'We have always been very clear that we prefer a negotiated solution,' she added.
'This remains the case, and we will use the time that we have now until the 1st of August.'
The EU's announcement comes after Trump on Saturday unveiled plans to slap a 30 percent tariff on European and Mexican exports from August 1.
The EU in March announced retaliatory tariffs on 26 billion euros ($30bn) of US exports in response to Trump's duties on steel and aluminium.
The bloc paused the measures for 90 days the following month after Trump announced he would delay the implementation of his so-called 'reciprocal tariffs'.
The EU's pause had been due to expire at midnight on Monday.
EU trade ministers are scheduled to convene in Brussels on Monday to discuss options for responding to Trump's latest tariff threats.
On Sunday, White House Economic Adviser Kevin Hassett said that Trump was not happy with the 'sketches of deals' presented by US trade partners and that their offers 'need to be better'.
'These tariffs are real if the president doesn't get a deal that he thinks is good enough, but, you know, conversations are ongoing, and we'll see where the dust settles,' Hassett told ABC News's This Week.
Taken together, EU member countries are the US's largest trading partner.
US-EU trade in goods and services amounted to 1.7 trillion euros ($2 trillion) in 2024, according to EU statistics agency Eurostat.
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Doom-loop politics can be defeated. Here is how
It might seem bizarre to speak of hope in these dark times. In Palestine, the horror of genocidal violence is coupled with the sickening acquiescence of Western powers to it. In Sudan, war rages, with the people of Darfur once again facing war crimes on a mass scale. While in the United States, the blitzkrieg advance of broligarchic authoritarianism has caught many by surprise and left devastation in its wake. Yet, hope there is. For, across the icy ground of political repression and reaction, the green shoots of possibility are poking through, with movements of various sorts pointing towards a paradigm shift that places people before profit and, in so doing, charts a pathway for progressives. The latest example is the victory of Zohran Mamdani in the Democratic Party's primary election for New York's mayoral race. 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In India, in the last election, the Congress party finally managed to stem the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party's saffron tide by promising unconditional income support to each poor family alongside universal, cashless health insurance. This came after one of the world's largest basic income trials, conducted in Hyderabad, produced hugely exciting results that fed into Congress's thinking, with policies to be funded by more redistributive taxation. Likewise, in South Africa, the inheritors of the country's anti-apartheid struggle have built a nationwide movement to demand extension of what was initially an emergency relief grant during the COVID-19 pandemic into a permanent basic income designed to ensure economic security for all. Aside from increasing progressive taxation, one of the more exciting ideas to emerge from this struggle for economic justice has been to frame (and fund) the basic income as a 'rightful share' due to all citizens as their portion of the country's wealth. 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From there, it is a short step to the disciplinary notion of 'deservingness', which adds the veneer of moral justification to otherwise uncomfortable exclusions. The contemporary rise of the far right is little more than an expression of these foundational tensions. When people struggle en masse to make ends meet, they demand more, and when they do, those who control the purse strings as well as the narrative double down on the story that in a world of scarcity, people can only have more if some other, 'less deserving', people have none. In this historical tragedy, the far right plays a treacherous role, protecting the rich and powerful from discontent by sowing division among the dispossessed. While the centre-left – long the hapless accomplice – plays that of the useful idiot, unquestioning in its acceptance of the founding myth of scarcity and thus condemned to forever attempt the impossible: treating the symptoms of inequality without ever addressing its underlying cause. 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From there, it is a short step to the disciplinary notion of 'deservingness', which adds the veneer of moral justification to otherwise uncomfortable exclusions. The contemporary rise of the far right is little more than an expression of these foundational tensions. When people struggle en masse to make ends meet, they demand more, and when they do, those who control the purse strings as well as the narrative double down on the story that in a world of scarcity, people can only have more if some other, 'less deserving', people have none. In this historical tragedy, the far right plays a treacherous role, protecting the rich and powerful from discontent by sowing division among the dispossessed. While the centre-left – long the hapless accomplice – plays that of the useful idiot, unquestioning in its acceptance of the founding myth of scarcity and thus condemned to forever attempt the impossible: treating the symptoms of inequality without ever addressing its underlying cause. The alternative to this doom-loop politics is obvious when you stop to think about it, and it is what distinguishes each of the exciting examples noted above. The first step is a clear, confident affirmation of what most of us intuitively know to be true – that abundant wealth exists in our world. Indeed, the numbers make clear that there is more than enough to go around. The issue, of course, is just that this wealth is poorly distributed, with the top 1 percent controlling more than 95 percent of the rest of humanity, with many corporations richer than countries, and with those trends only set to worsen as the hyper-elite write the rules and rig the political game. The second, most vital, step is to put the question of distribution back at the centre of politics. If common people struggle to make ends meet in spite of abundant wealth, then it is only because some have too much while most do not have enough. This is exactly what progressives in the US, the UK, India, and South Africa have been doing, evidently to great effect. And this should be no surprise – the data shows again and again that equality is popular, voters like fairness, and overwhelmingly people support limits to extreme wealth. The third step is to frame progressive demands as policies that meet people's basic needs. What unites free childcare, healthcare, and transport? Quite simply, each of these straightforward measures will disproportionately benefit the poor, working majority and will do so precisely because they represent unavoidable everyday expenses that constrain common people's spending power. By the same token, basic income is attractive both because it is simple and because it offers the promise of foundational economic security for the majority who presently lack it. Yet what also unites these policy proposals and the platforms they have come to represent is that they are all in important ways unconditional. 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