
Russia focusing airstrikes on Ukraine draft offices to derail recruitment, Kyiv says
The strike on Poltava, which also injured 47 people and caused a fire at the city's main draft office, followed a drone attack on Monday near a recruitment centre in Kryvyi Rih. Both cities are regional capitals.
"We understand that their (Russian) goal is to disrupt the mobilisation process," Vitaliy Sarantsev, a spokesperson for Ukraine's ground forces, told Ukraine's public broadcaster.
"But I want to say that...it is too early (for Russia) to uncork the champagne because the process is impossible to stop."
Ukraine has struggled to fend off a bigger and better-equipped Russian army, and its call-up process has been marred by reports of draft-office corruption, poor training and weak battlefield command.
Well into the fourth year of its full-scale invasion, Russia has gained ground in eastern Ukraine and repeatedly hit cities far behind the front lines with drones and missiles, while also waging a sabotage campaign there, Kyiv's domestic security agency says.
In a statement to Reuters last month, the Security Service of Ukraine said it had arrested more than 700 people since 2024 for alleged crimes that included arson attacks on troop vehicles and bombings at draft offices.
A Ukrainian security official, who requested anonymity to discuss sensitive matters, said Russia was aiming to derail Kyiv's military call-up effort also by spreading disinformation and hacking recruitment office computers.
"The disruption of mobilisation is closely linked to the spread of panic and intimidation of the population," the source said, adding that bombings were part of the general strategy.
Russian forces have also stepped up strikes on military training grounds in recent weeks, prompting Kyiv's top general to order a strengthening of security measures at bases.
A missile attack on southeastern Ukraine this week killed a brigade commander. Ukrainian forces have also staged longer-range attacks on Russian bases in occupied territory as well as deep inside Russia.
Thursday's strike on Poltava came after the U.S. said it had paused some weapons shipments to Ukraine, which drew warnings in Kyiv that the move would harm Ukraine's defence against intensifying Russian air strikes and battlefield gains.
Separately on Thursday, two people were killed in a ballistic missile strike on port infrastructure in the southern Ukrainian city of Odesa, said regional governor Oleh Kiper.
Dozens of people have been killed in recent drone and missile salvoes at Ukrainian cities, including the capital Kyiv.
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Reuters
an hour ago
- Reuters
Death of Ukrainian F-16 pilot highlights perils of air defence, commander says
KYIV, July 3 (Reuters) - The death of an experienced Ukrainian F-16 fighter pilot in battle against Russian drones shows the high-risk tactics Kyiv will increasingly adopt if it is unable to obtain critical new air defences, a senior commander said on Thursday. Dozens of people have been killed during intensifying Russian air strikes on Ukrainian cities in recent weeks, a trend officials have said will worsen if Kyiv's allies do not step up supplies of critical munitions. Oleh Zakharchuk, deputy commander of Ukraine's western air command, delivered the warning just days after the Pentagon said it was pausing some supplies of arms Ukraine needs to defend its cities. "Everyone must understand that there is no such thing as enough weapons," he said at the funeral for fighter pilot Maksym Ustymenko at the golden-domed St Michael's Monastery and Cathedral in Kyiv. "If we cannot use the missiles because we do not get them, then it will be very difficult." Ustymenko was killed on June 29 after shooting down seven Russian Shahed drones during a massive air strike that included hundreds of drones as well as missiles. Zakharchuk said the pilot first dispatched all the jet's air-to-air missiles, then resorted to firing his plane's cannons, which the commander described as a riskier tactic because it requires Ukrainian pilots to get close to the drones. "If we do not shoot down a Shahed and it falls on a settlement, on a building and people die, what should we choose?" he said. "Of course, we choose to destroy air targets despite how difficult and risky it is." The held-up U.S. package includes missiles carried by the F-16s. On Thursday, at least four people were killed in separate Russian air strikes on Poltava in central Ukraine and the southern port of Odesa. The Pentagon's pause, a decision it said was made to conserve U.S. stockpiles, also included precision munitions Ukraine needs to fend off Russian advances on the battlefield. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy said on Thursday that he hoped to talk with his U.S. counterpart Donald Trump on Friday or in coming days about the decision. Mourners descended on St. Michael's to honor Ustymenko, whose coffin was later carried to Independence Square in a sombre procession. Fighter pilots are typically revered in Ukraine for their role in fending off the increasingly heavy waves of air strikes that Russia has launched against Ukrainian towns and cities since late 2022. Ustymenko was among the first 12 pilots to train on the prized American-made fighter, which Kyiv began deploying last August, deputy Air Force commander Serhiy Holubtsov said at the ceremony. Zakharchuk said Ustymenko had logged hundreds of hours on Soviet-era aircraft before transitioning to the F-16. He also tested Gripen fighter jets in Sweden.


Sky News
2 hours ago
- Sky News
The Frontline Dmitry's Escape Igor's Escape
Warning: this story contains descriptions of violence which some readers may find distressing. Walking through an airport in Belarus, Nikolai tries to keep a low profile. Just weeks before, he was fighting for Russia on the frontline in Ukraine, witnessing unimaginable horrors. With his hood up and his eyes down, he focuses on the important task - boarding the plane and meeting his wife, Ana, at the other end. The journey is fraught with risk. At any moment, Nikolai knows he could be captured. But anything is better than the time Nikolai spent on the frontline in Ukraine, collecting dead bodies. He says he was sent there as punishment for questioning Russia's invasion. During one battle, Nikolai tried to save a fellow Russian soldier but ended up in hospital with a severe shoulder injury. "There was an accident - a man was wounded, so I ran to help him but the shelling started," he recalls. "As I ran back, a mine exploded. I was thrown back and thought that was the end of my story." That was the moment he decided to escape. Nikolai is one of thousands of Russians who have deserted Putin's army. During the making of a Sky News documentary, Escaping Putin, we spoke to seven former Russian soldiers who managed to escape from the army. Desertion is a dangerous act. It can lead to lengthy prison sentences, but for many Russian soldiers, who like Nikolai, are desperate to escape this brutal conflict, it seems like the only option. We obtained over 70 videos filmed by soldiers on the frontline and their treacherous journeys to escape from Putin's army. Five of the men described to us how they were recruited, the battles they fought in, the flooded trenches they slept in, and the many colleagues killed in front of them. Dmitry*, one of the soldiers we spoke to, filmed over a dozen videos on the frontline. The video above provides a glimpse into one of his winter patrols in the forest. Dmitry wanted to keep a record of what it was like in the trenches – his bed, the weapons he was given, and the bombardment his unit came under. On 24 February 2022, Russian President Vladimir Putin launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine - igniting Europe's largest conflict since World War Two. Seven months into the war, the Kremlin ordered the partial mobilisation of 300,000 military reservists. But as the conflict continued, nearly all men of fighting age were compelled to sign up. Some soldiers, like Dmitry, joined the army voluntarily as a way of clearing their debts. Dmitry, who is in his 30s, previously worked in clothing manufacturing and lived in a rural area of Russia. In the past few years, he had accumulated thousands of roubles worth of debt. Signing a military contract was sold to him as an escape. He said he was promised large sums of money and signed the deal with a Moscow regiment. "At the time, they didn't imply my participation in hostilities," Dmitri says. "My salary for one year would have been enough to pay off all my debts." But others were caught up in the first mobilisation in September 2022. Igor is a college graduate who was working a steady job in the run-up to the war. Despite some "political problems" in his country, he said the situation got much worse after the war in Ukraine started. On 23 September, a day after the partial mobilisation was announced, Igor recalls sitting in his office at work and talking with a colleague. The company's secretary was suddenly called to report to an enlistment office and returned paper in hand. He began serving military summons to all the men in the organisation. "My colleagues and I were shocked that the enlistment office was giving out summons just like that," Igor said, adding that no one could reject the order. "This was accompanied by legal documents and there was no chance to decline. You'd get criminally prosecuted if you did." Igor, Dmitry and Nikolai were all sent to the frontline in Ukraine and fought in the Russian army for months. All three of them decided to desert and successfully escaped the frontline. Each were helped by the Russian anti-war organisation, Idite Lesom, which was set up in response to the 2022 partial mobilisation. While they consider themselves lucky for having got out, their stories paint a dark picture of the realities of this brutal war. THE FRONTLINE "We inherited these dugouts; this was our place of residence... by morning you were knee-deep [in water], and it flooded your sleeping arrangements," he said. "I quickly adapted to those living conditions... if you start thinking and reflecting when you're there... It will kill you." Dmitry Dmitry described how men who survived some of the most gruesome battles "lost their minds", while others were "eaten away by fear". Footage filmed by Russians on the frontline is extremely rare to see – particularly online. In part, it's due to censorship laws in Russia, which carry heavy punishments for those who "discredit" the army or publicly oppose the war. These have only intensified since the war in Ukraine began. For Dmitry, it's the smell of war that haunts him. "It's a nauseating, sugary smell sometimes mixed with burning flesh, it's hard to compare to anything but impossible to forget... All the forests were full of dead bodies - it's impossible to count how many were full of rats eating corpses," he said. After receiving his summons at work, Igor was also sent to the frontline in Ukraine. He was against Russia's invasion of Ukraine and didn't want to fight. At first, he was put in a logistics role, which kept him away from direct combat, but it wasn't long before he was shifted to the frontline. "It was mentally hard. I shuddered as the explosions were so loud," he says, his hands shaking at the memory. "I can't tell you how much I tried to avoid going to the frontline. I was horrified that Russia attacked Ukraine." Desperate to find a way out of the army and even out of Russia, Igor began to wonder how he could escape. One day, while listening to a Ukrainian radio channel, he heard an advert appealing for Russian soldiers to escape. This was when he realised that organisations like Idite Lesom exist and that a way out might be possible. Many of the deserters we spoke to came across Idite Lesom on social media on platforms like Instagram or Telegram. Idite Lesom was set up in September 2022 by charity worker and activist, Grigory Sverdlin, with the aim of taking Russians out of Putin's army "one soldier at a time". Idite Lesom's name in English translates to Go By the Forest or "get lost" - the message Grigory says they are sending to Putin and his government. The group helps soldiers avoid the draft and assists those who have been conscripted to escape or surrender to Ukrainian forces. So far, the group says it has helped almost 2,000 Russian soldiers to desert. The Russian anti-war group, initially based in Georgia's capital, Tbilisi, has eight full-time members and over 150 volunteers working across Europe who communicate with soldiers via the Telegram messaging app. Each case is unique — depending on where the deserters are, the documentation they have and where they want to go. Every deserter is given a specific set of instructions – timings for trains and planes, ways to evade security, what to look out for, and most importantly - how to slip under the radar. DMITRY'S ESCAPE Dmitry's first message to Idite Lesom was simple. "Good morning, can you help me?" it read. A few exchanges later, he was given an appointment to verify his identity – only after that could the planning begin. His chance came in spring 2024 when he managed to book one day of leave. He wasn't due back at camp until the following day for his morning line-up at 8.30am. He had 14 hours to collect his passport and other documents from a "trusted person", pick up foreign money and leave the country. Dmitry booked a hotel for a day and bought civilian clothes. As he set off, he avoided busy streets to keep a low profile, filming parts of his journey as he went. It was all going to plan, until a bridge collapsed at a nearby train station and forced him to change his route. Instead of taking a train, he needed to act fast. He booked a taxi to an airport and boarded a plane to fly out of Russia. "It was a kind of treason," he said. IGOR'S ESCAPE Igor's escape was also planned for when he took a holiday. Keen to disappear without trace, he bought last-minute tickets with cash wherever he could. Then, like many other deserters, he stuffed everything he could take into a single bag before boarding a flight. The scariest moments came when crossing borders. "I was worried they might just press a button and I would get arrested," he says. Only when he was safely out of Russia did he take a deep breath and realise he was free. Grigory Sverdlin ran a homelessness charity in St Petersburg before the war began. But after Russia's invasion of Ukraine, Grigory's friends warned him that it wasn't safe for him to stay in Russia due to his public anti-war position - authorities also began pursuing those who protested against the invasion. Grigory drove for thousands of kilometres through Europe before reaching Georgia, where he would later set up Idite Lesom. The core members of the group and anti-war Russians operated in exile at first from their base in Tbilisi and later Barcelona, meeting weekly to discuss each of their roles from route planning to charity fundraising. But as the relationship between Georgian and Russian authorities grew closer, by autumn 2024, Idite Lesom felt it was unsafe to continue its operations in Tbilisi. While in Georgia, Grigory discovered he had been listed as a "foreign agent" by the Russian government - an added pressure to his personal security and proof that he could be a target. Grigory along with other core members moved to Barcelona, where the group is now based. Idite Lesom says it has supported over 48,000 people since the war started. Beyond helping them evade capture, it offers other services including psychological support and, in some cases, financial aid. Operating almost entirely online, the group's Telegram Bot, which provides automatic responses based on questions clients send to the group, is the first point of call for deserters or those seeking the group's help. Ivan Chuvilyaev takes dozens of calls a week from soldiers ranging from young men who have just been mobilised to officers with years of experience. As one of Idite Lesom's core members, he verifies soldiers' identities. Ivan also left Russia due to his anti-war views, and he now operates in Barcelona. His role is crucial to the group as he explains that it does not want to help "criminals". For this step, he carries out his own verification process, asking soldiers a specific set of questions about their recruitment and experiences on the frontline. Once satisfied with his checks, he passes each case over to his colleagues, Darya Berg and Anton Gorbatsevich, who coordinate the evacuation and plan routes. Sensitive conversations are moved to more encrypted forms of messaging – as the pair establish details about the deserter's current situation, their needs and where they want to go. While encrypted apps offer added security, every stage of this journey poses a risk. Desperation has, at times, led some Russian soldiers to take extreme action. Darya recalls multiple messages from soldiers asking for advice on how to shoot areas of their bodies so they can be taken to hospital. It's here where soldiers are more likely to have a phone signal - which is crucial for their escape. Idite Lesom says it doesn't encourage self-shooting but after receiving dozens of messages asking for guidance, it has created an internal guide based on tips shared by successful attempts. Below is an excerpt of that document - the guide offers instructions on how to carry out the act without suspicion. But not every escape works out. Darya recalled a 23-year-old soldier who was caught inside Russia after he was spotted wearing his army gloves while buying food at a shop nearby. "The military were passing by on their city patrol and saw him right away," she said. "The last thing he had time to write was that he was caught because of the gloves... We haven't heard from him since". Idite Lesom says the deserters ultimately bear the risk and are responsible for what happens next. After an escape is completed, soldiers rarely keep in touch with the group, who say in some cases this may be for safety reasons. Russian men caught deserting can face up to 15 years in prison. In the past three years, the Kremlin has introduced a range of new measures to crack down on dissent, including punishments for those trying to evade conscription. While the cost of escape is high, many of the soldiers we spoke to said it felt like their only option. Many Russians don't hold an international passport, and so deserters can often only enter a limited number of countries, including Armenia and Kazakhstan. Idite Lesom volunteers inside Russia who help transport people across mountains and even borders, help these deserters at great personal risk. The cost of staying on the frontline is too high for many. Thousands of soldiers on both sides have been killed in this war. But precise casualty figures for Russian military deaths are difficult to determine, in part because Moscow does not publicly disclose them. In an intelligence update in May, the UK defence ministry said it is likely that around 200,000 - 25,000 Russian soldiers have been killed since the start of the war, but the precise number remains unknown. For many, escaping the army is just the start of their new chapter. Once out of Russia, many of the soldiers we spoke to tried to obtain passports and secure asylum - all while living in the shadows and dealing with the constant threat of capture. The decision to desert not only affects these individuals but also their families and loved ones. Igor is struggling to gain citizenship in the country he is living in. His mother, who still lives in Russia, has been visited multiple times by authorities to ask about his whereabouts. He fears for her safety. Less than four months after Nikolai and Ana escaped, the pair moved again beyond Europe. Ana now volunteers with Idite Lesom remotely, using her experience to help others. During our interview with Dmitry, he said he planned to rebuild and settle back into civilian life in the country where he was living. He struggled with the psychological trauma and said he took tranquilisers to deal with flashbacks from the frontline. But weeks after filming, Dmitry told us he had changed his plans and was leaving. He had accepted a job at a "mining firm in central Africa", returning to a life full of potential danger. According to Idite Lesom, this path is highly uncommon among deserters, and many live quietly in the shadows of exile. In a war that's raged for over three years, peace feels like a distant prospect to many of the soldiers we spoke to. One day, the fighting will eventually stop, but what follows for this generation of men who survive, who return home or escape, is one of their greatest concerns. None of the soldiers we have spoken to have been granted asylum. While their escape saved them from the frontline, it marked the start of another journey but one with an unclear end - to survive in the shadows. Idite Lesom says it will continue its work until the war is over. Watch the Sky News documentary Escaping Putin at 9pm on Friday 4 July. *Deserters' names have been changed to protect their identities. CREDITS: Reporting and digital production: Olive Enokido-Lineham, OSINT producer Graphics: Luan Leer, designer, Nathan Griffiths, senior designer, Kelly Casanova, senior producer Illustrations: Rebecca Hendin Editing: Michael Drummond, foreign news reporter and Serena Kutchinsky, assistant editor Pictures: Jonna McIver and Jacob Lea-Wilson Additional imagery: Reuters and Associated Press Top Built with Shorthand


Reuters
4 hours ago
- Reuters
Moldova urges EU to advance membership talks to counter Moscow
BRUSSELS, July 3 (Reuters) - Moldova wants to start membership negotiations with the European Union in earnest before a September election to counter Russian disinformation in the country about the EU, Deputy Prime Minister Cristina Gherasimov said. Both Moldova and neighbouring Ukraine – which is fighting a more than three-year-old Russian invasion - formally began membership talks last June but they have yet to advance to substantive negotiations on key policies. Although the EU's executive body and nearly all member states say Moldova and Ukraine have met the criteria to do so, Hungary has blocked Kyiv's progress. EU members are reluctant to give Moldova the go-ahead without doing the same for Ukraine. EU membership is a major strategic goal for both Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy and Moldovan President Maia Sandu as they seek to break away from Russia's influence and anchor their former Soviet republics in the West. Ahead of a first-ever EU-Moldova summit in Chisinau on Friday, European officials face a dilemma in wanting to affirm to Moldova that the EU is committed to its future integration without stoking Ukrainian concerns that it may be left behind. Accession negotiations are divided into six thematic sections, known as clusters, covering issues such as fundamental rights, economic policy and foreign relations. "We truly trust the member states that a solution will be found both for Moldova and for Ukraine to open cluster one in the near future," Gherasimov, Moldova's deputy prime minister for European integration, told Reuters in Brussels. "For Moldova, the timing is crucial. We have elections on September 28, parliamentary elections where disinformation unfortunately plays a big role, and most of this disinformation targets the EU," Gherasimov said. Pro-Russian politicians, media outlets and social media accounts allege that the EU is not interested in having Moldova as a member. "We need to show that when we deliver on our side, this is reciprocated by the EU. And this will help us silence those narratives that want to prove the contrary," Gherasimov said. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban says letting Ukraine into the EU would drag the whole bloc into war with Russia. EU officials counter that the current debate is just about starting the accession process, which usually takes many years. While there is no political appetite in the EU for a major round of enlargement in the short term, analysts say the stalemate caused by Hungary's veto raises broader questions. "There is a lot at stake," said Anastasia Pociumban, a research fellow at the German Council on Foreign Relations. "I think when the EU is not able to deliver on this promise, and on this process, the question is: How relevant is the EU then in this new order?"