Maryland Gov. Wes Moore said state surplus ‘wasn't real.' His budget said otherwise
Speaking to reporters in Annapolis as the current legislative session winds down, Moore pointed to the evaporation of temporary federal COVID-19 funding to explain Maryland's transformation from surplus to $3.3 billion structural deficit.
'When you have a one-time infusion of cash, that is not structural surplus,' the Democratic governor said. 'That is not math. It's politics, it's not math. It's dark-money gaslighting.'
Moore's first budget proposal showed the state expected to end fiscal year 2023 with more than $5 billion in general cash reserves while acknowledging that COVID aid would be drying up.
'If the State's current revenue projections hold through June, we anticipate ending the current Fiscal Year 2023 with a more than $2 billion General Fund balance and an additional $2.9 billion in the Rainy Day Fund — $5 billion in combined General Fund cash reserves,' Moore's proposal reads. 'At the same time, Maryland, like many other states, sees a surplus created by a series of rare financial tailwinds unlikely to continue.'
While the governor's office did not specify how much of this $5 billion was directly related to COVID-19 funds, a Maryland Department of Legislative Services report estimates the state received about $4.9 billion in pandemic aid from the federal government.
In Moore's fiscal year 2024 budget, on page 14, he described proposing a budget with 'a robust surplus balance' and was also aware of economic risks, revenue risks and state retirement contributions.
Carter Elliott, Moore's senior press secretary, says the deficit has been predicted since 2017 and exacerbated by slow economic growth across multiple administrations.
'During that time the state's economy also significantly underperformed the nation, growing at just 3% while the nation grew at 11% between 2017 and 2022,' Elliott said in an emailed statement.
Moore's Republican predecessor, Gov. Larry Hogan, criticized the 'BS and finger-pointing' surrounding budget issues in a series of X posts Thursday. Hogan's posts balked at the Moore administration characterizing Maryland's economy as weak.
'Even after managing a global pandemic, we left office in January 2023 with the largest surplus in state history — $5.5 billion,' Hogan wrote. 'Maryland had never been in a stronger economic position.'
Hogan continued by referencing a recent University of Maryland, Baltimore County, poll he interpreted as the state being on the wrong track.' The poll showed that 52% of Marylanders approve of Moore's job performance, 53% also said they have considered moving out of state in the coming years.
'It's a damn shame, and it breaks my heart,' Hogan said of the poll and overall budget situation.
------------
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Boston Globe
4 minutes ago
- Boston Globe
Trump posts fake video showing Obama arrest
Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up The fake video purports to show FBI agents bursting into the meeting, pushing Obama into a kneeling position and putting him in handcuffs as Trump looks on smiling, while the song 'Y.M.C.A.' by the Village People plays. Later, the fake video shows Obama in an orange jumpsuit pacing in a cell. The start of the video shows a compilation of actual footage of Democratic leaders, including Obama and former President Joe Biden, saying, 'no one is above the law.' Advertisement Obama's office did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the video. Trump regularly reposts AI-generated or mocked-up videos and photographs on his Truth Social account. Tulsi Gabbard, the director of national intelligence, said last week that the latest report released by her offices showed a 'treasonous conspiracy in 2016' by top Obama administration officials to harm Trump. She said she would make a criminal referral to the FBI based on recently released documents. Advertisement A link to real video footage from an interview that Gabbard gave to Fox News on Sunday on the subject was also posted to Trump's social media. Democrats have denounced the administration's effort to discredit Obama as politically motivated and riddled with errors, and contradicting previous reviews of the assessment. The latest document, issued last week, did not show Russian manipulation of the election, and instead reinforced the view of intelligence officials who found no evidence that Russia hacked voting systems to change votes. Democrats have cited reports by intelligence agencies and Senate investigators who found that, while Russian hackers probed election systems to see if they could change vote outcomes and extracted voter registration data in at least two states, there was no evidence that they attempted to change votes. The Obama administration's assessment also did not say that Russian hackers manipulated votes. Trump has been trying to change the conversation among his supporters, after the Justice Department walked back its promise to release the full collection of files about Epstein, a multimillionaire financier and convicted sex offender who died in prison in 2019. That decision angered some of the president's most ardent supporters. Some have questioned Trump's judgment on the matter, causing strife within the MAGA movement that powered Trump to two presidential election victories. This article originally appeared in .


Los Angeles Times
4 minutes ago
- Los Angeles Times
FDA Appoints Biotech Executive as Top Drug Regulator Under RFK Jr.
Food and Drug Administration commissioner Marty Makary has chosen former biotech executive George Tidmarsh as the agency's top drug regulator, the agency confirmed Monday. Tidmarsh, an adjunct professor of pediatrics and neonatology at Stanford University, will serve as director of the Center for Drug Evaluation and Research, one of the FDA's largest and most important divisions with a staff of about 5,700 that reviews the vast majority of new drug applications. Jacqueline Corrigan-Curay, the acting head of the CDER, recently announced she was leaving the agency. Tidmarsh, 65, was involved in the development of several approved drugs, likely making him a reassuring choice for a pharmaceutical industry that's facing pressure from the Trump administration to lower prices and move manufacturing to the US. Tidmarsh's appointment 'brings in a generally well-respected, credible industry veteran, we believe helping fill a key regulatory void,' Brian Abrahams, an analyst at RBC Capital Markets, said in a note to clients. While recent cuts at the agency have raised concerns about the FDA's drug approval process, 'we would expect Tidmarsh to be a pragmatic officer who will likely build upon current practice to ensure continuity and potentially be an advocate for the industry.' Among the controversies Tidmarsh will contend with is the agency's accelerated approval process. The use of this expedited pathway to get drugs green lit has skyrocketed in recent years and been criticized for sometimes letting unproven treatments linger on the market for too long. Advocates say speeding up the process gets drugs quickly to patients suffering from serious diseases. Tidmarsh is also primed to be a key player in reassessing the agency's approach to regulating prescription drug advertising. Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has long been a critic of direct-to-consumer drug advertising, and Makary has indicated that the agency is reviewing its approach to regulating such ads. During a panel on censorship and scientific speech at Stanford last year, Tidmarsh raised concerns about the FDA's inconsistent regulation of pharmaceutical products. He pointed to the agency's long-standing restrictions on off-label communication by manufacturers and questioned some vaccine makers' ads during the pandemic.'This discrepancy shows that FDA may apply free speech regulation at a whim and inconsistently,' he said. While the FDA's vaccine division has been in the spotlight recently over Covid shots, the drug division has made some of the agency's most controversial decisions. In the '90s, CDER approved language allowing opioid drugs, such as OxyContin, to be widely marketed — despite a lack of substantial evidence supporting their long-term effectiveness. The move helped pave the way for the opioid epidemic. The division also caused a firestorm after approving the Alzheimer's treatment Aduhelm that hadn't clearly been proven to work in research studies. On a recent podcast, Tidmarsh said he met Makary at a conference last fall at Stanford. It featured many people critical of restrictions and mandates during the pandemic, several of whom now have top government health jobs. Tidmarsh appears to share Makary's concerns about a lack of dissenting viewpoints in science. In a podcast about a year ago, he said academics foster a culture that is reluctant to question prevailing views and that grantmaking has become concentrated into a few hands. On LinkedIn last year, Tidmarsh wrote that 'academic science has become riddled with fraud, the time has come to root out the corruption.' He funds the Sleuth in Residence program that supports scientific fraud investigators at the website Retraction Watch, which tracks academic journals. At Stanford, Tidmarsh got both his medical degree and a PhD in cancer biology and then worked in the school's clinical faculty. He also had a series of biotech jobs, including chief executive officer for La Jolla Pharmaceutical Co., which developed a drug to treat sepsis and is now part of Innoviva Inc. Tidmarsh, who was also trained in pediatric oncology, has worked over the years to find solutions to shortages of old lifesaving cancer drugs. In an interview last year with a publication for doctors, he likened the US generic drug market to a 'wild west' where predatory contracting practices can drive out manufacturers. Langreth and Hornblower write for Bloomberg.

Los Angeles Times
4 minutes ago
- Los Angeles Times
With gavel in hand, Trump chisels away at the power of a compliant Congress
WASHINGTON — 'Mr. President, this is the gavel used to enact the 'big, beautiful bill,'' House Speaker Mike Johnson said at a White House signing ceremony on the Fourth of July. 'I want you to have it,' he said. Handing over the gavel delighted President Trump who, seated behind a desk outdoors, immediately tested it out with a few quick thumps. The moment left a memorable mark on a historic day. The gesture reflected a traditional nod of honor, from one leader to another, a milestone of the Republican Party's priority legislation becoming law. But the imagery also underscored a symbolic transfer of political power, from Capitol Hill to the White House as a compliant Congress is ceding more and more of its prerogative to the presidency. Since Trump's return to the White House in January, and particularly in the past few weeks, Republicans in control of the House and Senate have shown an unusual willingness to give the president of their party what he wants, regardless of the potential risk to themselves, their constituents and Congress itself. Republicans raced to put the big package of tax breaks and spending cuts on Trump's desk by his Independence Day deadline. Senators had quickly confirmed almost all of Trump's outsider Cabinet nominees despite grave reservations over Robert F. Kennedy Jr. as health secretary, Pete Hegseth as the Pentagon chief and others. House Republicans pursued Trump's interest in investigating his perceived foes, including investigating Democratic President Biden's use of the autopen. But at the same time, Congress hit the brakes on one of its own priorities, legislation imposing steep sanctions on Russia over its war on Ukraine, after Trump announced he was allowing President Vladimir Putin an additional 50 days to negotiate a peace deal, dashing hopes for a swifter end to the conflict. This past week, Congress was tested anew, delivering on Trump's request to rescind some $9 billion that lawmakers had approved but that the administration wanted to eliminate, including money for public broadcasting and overseas aid. It was a rare presidential request, a challenge to the legislative branch's power of the purse, that has not been used in decades. 'We're lawmakers. We should be legislating,' said a defiant Sen. Lisa Murkowksi, R-Alaska, as she refused to support the White House's demand to rescind money for National Public Radio and others. 'What we're getting now is a direction from the White House and being told, 'This is the priority. We want you to execute on it. We'll be back with you with another round,'' she said. 'I don't accept that.' Congress, the branch of government the Founding Fathers placed first in the Constitution, is at a familiar crossroads. During the first Trump administration, Republicans frightened by Trump's angry tweets of disapproval would keep their criticisms private. Those who did speak up — Liz Cheney of Wyoming in the House and Mitt Romney of Utah in the Senate, among others — are gone from Capitol Hill. One former GOP senator, Jeff Flake of Arizona, who announced in 2017 during Trump's first term that he would not seek reelection the next year, is imploring Republicans to find a better way. 'The fever still hasn't broken,' he wrote recently in The New York Times. 'In today's Republican Party, voting your conscience is essentially disqualifying.' But this time, the halls of Congress are filled with many Republicans who came of political age with Trump's 'Make America Great Again' movement and owe their ascent to the president himself. Many are emulating his brand and style as they shape their own. A new generation of GOP leaders, Johnson in the House and Senate Majority Leader John Thune, have pulled closer to Trump. They are utilizing the power of the presidency in ways large and small — to broker deals, encourage wayward lawmakers to fall in line, even to set schedules. Johnson, R-La., has openly pined for what he calls a 'normal Congress.' But short of that, the speaker relies on Trump to help stay on track. When Republicans hit an impasse on cryptocurrency legislation, a Trump priority, it was the president who met with holdouts in the Oval Office late Tuesday night as Johnson called in by phone. The result is a perceptible imbalance of power as the executive exerts greater authority while the legislative branch dims. The judicial branch has been left to do the heavy lift of checks and balances with the courts processing hundreds of lawsuits over the administration's actions. 'The genius of our Constitution is the separation of power,' said Democratic Rep. Nancy Pelosi of California, the former speaker, in an interview on SiriusXM's 'Mornings with Zerlina.' 'That the Republicans in Congress would be so ignoring of the institution that they represent, and that have just melted the power of the incredibly shrinking speakership' and Senate leadership positions, 'to do all of these things, to cater to the executive branch,' she said. Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C., endured Trump's criticism over his opposition to the tax and spending cuts bill. The senator raised concerns about steep cuts to hospitals, but the president threatened to campaign against him. Tillis announced he would not seek reelection in 2026. Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, voted against that bill and the rescissions package despite Trump's threat to campaign against any dissenters. One Republican, Rep. Thomas Massie of Kentucky, appears to be pressing on, unphased. He recently proposed legislation to force the administration to release the Jeffrey Epstein files, something the president had been reluctant to do. 'Nowhere in the Constitution does it say that if the president wants something, you must do it,' said Sen. Brian Schatz, D-Hawaii, in a Senate speech. 'We don't have to do this. We don't have to operate under the assumption that this man is uniquely so powerful.' Mascaro writes for the Associated Press.