
The $40 Billion Issue the N.Y.C. Mayoral Candidates Aren't Discussing
With less than nine weeks until the Democratic primary, none of the major candidates has released a plan centered solely on elementary and secondary education. Across their campaign pages highlighting big issues, the contenders each spend an average of about 75 words talking about education, and 'pandemic' is rarely among those words, even though that health cataclysm still exacts a toll on younger generations.
In a city notorious for its divide between opulence and poverty, public education represents both a potential engine of social mobility and one of the biggest ways that local government reaches the everyday lives of New Yorkers.
The school system is charged with educating more students than the entire population of San Francisco, preparing them for college or the work force. The city's Education Department, with more than 130,000 staff members, is among the region's top employers. Its $40 billion budget is an unrivaled chunk of spending, exceeding that of the police, fire and health departments combined.
But there is little to suggest how the major Democratic candidates for mayor would address the city's middling academic performance, despite the latest results of a gold-standard federal exam that revealed alarming declines in reading and math skills among the city's lowest-performing children.
Most candidates have not offered a robust plan to tackle chronic absenteeism after more than a third of students missed at least 10 percent of school days during the last academic year. Their platforms often fail to address the desperate need for more bilingual staff in schools, even though enrollment of children still learning English is ballooning.
And in a district with student outcomes sharply divided along income and racial lines, desegregation — or any other means of large-scale school improvement — does not appear to be on politicians' minds.
Education experts said the absence of bold ideas was especially striking in New York, one of fewer than a dozen major U.S. cities in which the mayor retains full control over the school system — and a place with a deep tradition of driving national conversations about education.
'The fact that it's now become a footnote is shocking in terms of the time, expense and effort that we put into public education,' said David Bloomfield, an education law and policy professor at Brooklyn College and the City University of New York Graduate Center.
Many of the mayoral candidates have emphasized alleviating a major housing shortage, lowering the soaring costs of raising families and expanding access to free child care. The city's affordability crisis has pushed many parents to move, especially Black families.
The lack of focus on the nuts and bolts of teaching and learning in New York reflects a national political shift, in which fewer Democrats — once trailblazers on classroom matters — have elevated elementary and secondary education as a priority compared with the 2000s and early 2010s.
Thomas Kane, a Harvard economist who studies education policy, said that 'improving student outcomes has long been a progressive goal,' pointing to the 1960s, when the creation of federal funding for schools with low-income students was a centerpiece of President Lyndon B. Johnson's war on poverty.
But in the past decade, Mr. Kane added, voters have split into polarized factions over hot-button subjects such as charter schools, standardized testing and admission to gifted and talented classes for elementary students.
In the process, Mr. Kane said, 'a lot of Democrats have become uncomfortable talking about student achievement.'
Many of the New York City mayoral candidates have promised to invest in school-based social services, reduce class sizes or expand programs that introduce teenagers to real-world careers. Andrew M. Cuomo, the former governor, declares in his platform that after public safety, City Hall has 'no higher calling' than education.
Two candidates — State Senator Zellnor Myrie and Scott Stringer, the former comptroller — point to research showing that their child care proposals, which include expanding after-school programs and extending the school day, could boost academic performance and attendance.
But few have put forth comprehensive plans for students from kindergarten through high school. Several education experts said that history has shown that piecemeal reforms often fail to produce major change.
Outside the classroom, young people face troubles that have gone largely unaddressed, including a pervasive mental health crisis. Nine percent of high schoolers in New York reported attempting suicide in 2021.
Marielys Divanne, the executive director of Educators for Excellence-New York, a teachers' group, said in an interview that she helped organize a political forum on literacy this month in part because of how little attention was being devoted to education.
'We were not getting the public discourse that we felt we needed,' said Ms. Divanne, whose group has pressed candidates to commit to building upon Mayor Eric Adams's efforts to overhaul reading and math instruction.
'There's a lot at stake, and ignoring that is a missed opportunity,' Ms. Divanne said.
At the literacy forum, candidates were each given two minutes to share their vision for the school system. Mayor Adams and Mr. Cuomo were invited but did not attend. Spokesmen for their campaigns did not respond to requests for comment. Curtis Sliwa, a Republican candidate for mayor, was also invited to the forum but did not attend.
Zohran Mamdani, the progressive state assemblyman who has been rising in polls and whose platform does not yet discuss K-12 education, pledged to increase funding for schools and libraries.
Adrienne Adams, the City Council speaker and a late entrant in the race, promised to push local colleges to ensure that aspiring educators are better trained to teach reading.
Mr. Stringer said he would provide more children with access to tutors. And Brad Lander, the city comptroller, said he wants to evaluate schools not solely on academics but also by other measures of student well-being and success.
Still, Mr. Lander acknowledged, 'We're not spending anywhere near enough time in this race talking about New York City's public schools.'
It wasn't always like this.
Education was a centerpiece of Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg's legacy as he shuttered low-performing schools, embraced charters and sought to toughen teacher evaluations.
A decade later, Mayor Bill de Blasio's creation of a free preschool program for all 4-year-olds — meant to provide children another year of rigorous early education — became a national model. He also bet big on a plan to improve the city's lowest-performing schools, which ended without producing substantial achievement gains.
Mayor Adams, who is running for re-election as an independent, brought new reading curriculum into elementary and middle schools, though he has not fulfilled a campaign promise to ensure that all students with dyslexia are better identified and taught.
Jorge Elorza, the chief executive officer of Democrats for Education Reform, an advocacy group, said that Democrats' failure to embrace education as a primary issue adds to the 'narrative from the last election that the Democrats have lost touch' with blue-collar and low-income voters.
'The working class cares disproportionately about education,' said Mr. Elorza, whose organization was co-founded by Whitney Tilson, a former hedge fund executive who is running for mayor. 'Education is the ticket to a better life.'
Some powerful politicians have signaled that the failure to address education could affect their endorsements. Representative Adriano Espaillat, an influential Dominican American lawmaker, said at the literacy forum that school issues deserved a greater spotlight: 'It's important to elect a mayor that will put education first.'
Many experts speculated that Democrats in cities including New York are making a political calculation.
Voters rarely rank education among the issues that matter most in local, state and national elections. In New York, efforts to transform the school district often spark public outcry, such as when the city recently tried to overhaul admissions at its most prestigious high schools.
Jeffrey Henig, a professor emeritus of political science and education at Teachers College at Columbia University, said campaigns might see a choice between standing out in a crowded field and steering clear of third rails that 'could blow you off at the knees.'
'Right now,' Mr. Henig added, 'the story is avoiding trip wires.'
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Politico
26 minutes ago
- Politico
No bygones yet between Ciattarelli and Spadea
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But Spadea in his concession speech strongly suggested he'd be returning to his radio hosting gig at NJ 101.5, which he called 'the biggest microphone in this state.' I could see Spadea ranting about Ciattarelli during every morning commute potentially costing him some hard right support, which could matter if it's a tight race. But there's at least one sign of Republican rapprochement: Ciattarelli and Spadea's most powerful backer, Ocean County GOP Chair George Gilmore, are at least talking. The two spoke last week, Gilmore told me. 'We all know we have to unite the Republicans to be successful in November and we will work to that end,' he said. FEEDBACK? Reach me at mfriedman@ WHERE'S MURPHY — On Harry Hurley at 10:35 a.m. Listen here. 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Boston Globe
an hour ago
- Boston Globe
What would Edward R. Murrow think of CBS parent company caving in to Donald Trump?
You can chalk up a lot of its popularity to its star, George Clooney, who plays the legendary newsman and who wrote the play with Grant Heslov, based on But no doubt some measure of the success of the play is also rooted in its relevance and resonance today. Advertisement Murrow enhanced his credibility, and that of CBS, and showcased journalistic and personal courage by exposing McCarthy's anti-communist witch hunt as a reckless abuse of civil liberties and civility. Murrow wouldn't back down in the face of McCarthy's threats or pressure from his corporate bosses after the loss of a major network sponsor. Given all this, one has to wonder what Murrow would make of the decision by Paramount, CBS' parent company, to Advertisement Trump's lawyer had claimed Trump suffered 'mental anguish' from a '60 Minutes' interview last October of then-Vice President Kamala Harris, Trump's Democratic opponent in the presidential election. Trump and his lawyers maintained the editing of the interview made Harris appear more coherent and intelligent than she really is, that it amounted to false advertising, or deceptive trade practices. Trump attorney Edward Andrew Paltzik said that beyond the mental anguish the interview caused Trump, it misled voters and led them to pay less attention to him and his regular assertions on Truth Social. How Counselor Paltzik would prove this in a court of law where there are, unlike on Truth Social, rules of evidence would have made for some entertaining lawyering. Alas, we'll never know. While CBS and Paramount initially came out swinging, insisting Trump's case was entirely without merit, the beancounters had the final say, as they are wont to do. Paramount caving isn't very surprising, if still very depressing. Paramount chair and controlling shareholder Shari Redstone had made it clear she favored a settlement. Surely, her position had nothing to do with the fact that the Meeting with shareholders Wednesday, George Cheeks, Paramount's co-CEO, Somehow, Mr. Cheeks did not find the time to mention the word principle. My only surprise is that he didn't try to suggest the capitulation constituted a bargain, given that Advertisement In a statement announcing the settlement, Paramount executives went to great length to portray their actions as somehow not amounting to a capitulation, pointing out that, aside from paying Trump's legal fees, the $16 million goes not to Trump but the fund to build his presidential library. Oh, and they were not required to apologize to Trump. They might want to apologize to Murrow's memory and current 60 Minutes correspondents and viewers. In May, those CBS is hardly the only media giant to turtle in its shell rather than stand up to a bully. Last year, ABC's parent company, Disney, agreed to donate $15 million to Trump's presidential library rather than go to trial after Trump sued them for defamation. Trump's claim was based on the fact that ABC News anchor George Stephanopoulos had said on air that Trump had been found liable for rape when he was actually found liable for sexual abuse. At the time, media law experts had warned that Disney's capitulation to Trump would embolden him and others to file dubious lawsuits against media companies that would rather settle than go all the way to trial. One month later, So, if you're keeping score at home, Trump has taken $56 million off craven media companies who don't have the guts to take him on in court. He'd be a fool to not keep suing. Advertisement US Senator Elizabeth Warren has likened these payoffs to bribes. She wants US Senator Ed Markey called Paramount's settlement 'a blow to journalistic independence.' US Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont didn't pull any punches. 'It is a dark day for independent journalism and freedom of the press, an essential part of our democracy,' Sanders said. 'It is a victory for a president who is attempting to stifle dissent and undermine American democracy.' Congress can investigate all it wants. Nothing will change until the big media companies care more about their audiences than their shareholders. Meaning nothing will change. All this on the eve of July 4th, when we celebrate our country's independence, an independence that was underwritten by a free press which today is demonstrably less free that it was just a year ago. Good night, and good luck. Kevin Cullen is a Globe columnist. He can be reached at


San Francisco Chronicle
an hour ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
How Rhode Island finally pushed a partial assault weapons ban over the finish line
PROVIDENCE, R.I. (AP) — Passing a new law restricting assault weapons took Rhode Island lawmakers more than 10 years, but it may offer a road map to other states looking to ease the proliferation of such firearms. For advocates, the fight is a prime example of the current challenges to passing gun control measures in the U.S., particularly surrounding semiautomatic rifles that have become the weapon of choice among those responsible for most of the country's devastating mass shootings. When Rhode Island's bill was signed into law by Democratic Gov. Dan McKee late last month, its sponsor, Democratic Rep. Jason Knight, told jubilant supporters: 'What was once the impossible became the inevitable.' How? Persistent advocacy, a change in legislative leadership and a last-minute overhaul to note the broader legal landscape. What did Rhode Island do? Rhode Island's ban, which goes into effect in 2026, prohibits the sale, manufacturing and distribution of certain high-powered firearms that were once banned nationwide. The law does not prohibit possessing such weapons, a key distinction compared with other assault weapon bans enacted elsewhere in the U.S. Currently, only Washington state has a similar law. The assault weapons ban got a much-needed boost from Senate President Valerie Lawson, who secured the Senate's top spot in the middle of session after her predecessor, Sen. Dominick Ruggiero, died in April. Lawson turned to the bill's sponsors and others to find common ground between lawmakers in the House and Senate who remained split on how far the law should go. Lawson's endorsement was seen as critical to securing the bill's passage, whereas Ruggiero had previously deferred action, pointing instead to the need for Congress to act rather than a state Legislature taking the lead. 'There are issues at certain points that meet the moment,' Lawson said. 'I think it was the time for this." Gun control advocates also acknowledged that banning assault weapons in Rhode Island hadn't previously been a top priority given that the state has largely been spared from national high-profile shootings that sometimes help propel legislative change. Assault weapons bans consistently face court challenges In the U.S., just 11 states and Washington D.C. have some sort of prohibition on certain high-powered firearms that were once banned nationwide. Rhode Island's version is the only one not yet facing a constitutional challenge — though a lawsuit against it is all but assured. Certain state legal battles are on hold until others make their way through lower federal courts. To date, none of the lawsuits have been completely thrown out, but the U.S. Supreme Court is expected to have the final say. As Rhode Island lawmakers were in the middle of their gun debate, the high court declined to hear a challenge to Maryland's assault weapons ban — a move that some of the more conservative justices opposed. Justice Brett Kavanaugh even signaled that laws banning assault weapons are likely unconstitutional. 'Opinions from other Courts of Appeals should assist this Court's ultimate decision making on the AR–15 issue,' Kavanaugh wrote, referencing a popular style of high-powered rifle. Yet the legal focus on banning such weapons often hinges on possessing firearms such as AR-15-style rifles and AK-47s, rather than on the distribution process. Rhode Island lawmakers hope that by tailoring their assault weapons ban to sales, manufacturing and distribution, they might will bypass the thorniest legal questions raised by the Second Amendment. What other states are doing Attempts to expand Democratic-dominated Hawaii's assault weapons ban to rifles in addition to pistols stalled this year. In New Mexico, Democratic lawmakers who control the General Assembly adjourned without taking up an assault weapon ban. In Rhode Island, advocates say their work isn't over. 'It's progress,' said Melissa Carden, executive director of the Rhode Island Coalition Against Gun Violence. 'But we know that a true assault weapons ban includes an enforceable ban on possession as well." Defenders of Rhode Island's law bristle that their version could be considered weak. They point out that residents looking to purchase an assault weapon from nearby New Hampshire or elsewhere will be blocked. That's because federal law prohibits people from traveling to a different state to purchase a gun and returning it to a state where that particular of weapon is banned. 'Some of my constituents have already called me and made comments about 'bad, bad bad, I'm going out and buying three and four of them now,'' said Sen. Louis DiPalma, the Senate sponsor of the statute. 'Okay, come July 1st next year, you will not be able to do that anymore.'