
Alberta's grievances aren't actually reasonable
The bad news here, at least for the separatists she's given so much hope lately, is that the idea of an independent Alberta remains as unpopular as ever. A recent Janet Brown poll of Albertans conducted for CBC Calgary shows support for separatism remains stuck around 30 per cent, with the biggest recent change actually being a surge in self-reported attachment to Canada.
The idea that Alberta is being deliberately screwed over by Ottawa, on the other hand, finds far more favour. In a May 13 press conference — one where he refused to publicly condemn Alberta's separatists — Pierre Poilievre told reporters that Albertans have 'a lot of legitimate grievances,' ones that revolve almost entirely around the treatment of the oil and gas industry. 'Let's be blunt,' he said. 'Canada's biggest industry … largely situated in Alberta, has been under attack for the last decade.'
It's worth noting that said 'attack' includes the construction of the first two pipelines to Pacific tidewater in 70 years, one of which was paid for by Canadian taxpayers. Said 'attack' has also resulted in massive production growth and record profits for Canada's oil and gas industry. Most industries would probably kill to be 'attacked' like this.
Even so, this willful misrepresentation of the relationship between Ottawa and Alberta has become a shared reflex among Canada's Conservative political and pundit class. In a recent Financial Post column, Diane Francis — who once argued for an American 'merger' with Canada — hit all the familiar talking points. 'None of these complaints are new,' she wrote, 'but now they are potentially nation-busting. Albertans are not a bunch of whiny separatists, but have legitimate grievances that deserve respect and remedy.'
Do they, though?
Francis highlights Ottawa's 'unfair equalization system,' a system that nine years of a Stephen Harper-led Conservative government declined to change. It's true that Albertans pay more in federal taxes on a per-capita basis than other provinces, a reality owing entirely to the fact that they make more money than people in other provinces. They pay the same tax rates as other Canadians, and would continue to even if the entire equalization program was eliminated tomorrow.
Francis also highlights the 'unfair seat distributions in the House of Commons,' which she says 'favours Liberal-voting provinces at the expense of the West.' Alas, this isn't actually true. After the most recent electoral redistribution process, one that saw three seats added in Alberta, the most under-represented province in parliament in terms of the ratio of seats to population is actually Ontario. Two of the more over-represented provinces, meanwhile, are Saskatchewan — not exactly a Liberal stronghold — and Manitoba.
Whether it's Jason Kenney or Naheed Nenshi, federalist politicians in Alberta seem more than happy to accept Danielle Smith's framing of the province's relationship with Ottawa. That's a mistake — one that could prove fatal to Canada's future.
But these are mere appetizers to the main course on Alberta's menu of grievances: the treatment of the oil and gas industry. To hear Francis and others tell it, the current Liberal government has single-handedly stood between the province and its rightful status as a global oil and gas superpower.
The facts, as much as they even matter to grievance-hungry Albertans, don't support their feelings. As I've written before, previous federal governments — and, specifically, Liberal federal governments — have played a key role in helping Alberta's oil and gas industry. The feds directly funded some of the earliest oilsands ventures, and stepped in to backstop them when private sector partners pulled out. It changed the tax treatment of oilsands projects to make them more economically viable, which helped precipitate the massive boom in the early 2000s that many Albertans remember fondly. And yes, it got the Trans Mountain pipeline built in the face of opposition from provincial and local governments in British Columbia.
Even the dreaded National Energy Program would have been a boon to the oil sands if it hadn't been killed by Brian Mulroney's government. Yes, it would have built the very east-west pipelines that so many Conservatives have spent years pining for lately. But it also would have paid a premium for oilsands crude that would have generated hundreds of billions in extra revenue for the industry according to University of Alberta economist Andrew Leach.
Most of the angst in Alberta today revolves around Ottawa's ongoing attempts to reduce carbon pollution, involving varying proportions of carrots and sticks. Both the oil and gas industry and the Alberta government have committed to the same carbon neutrality targets, which makes their reflexive opposition to any policies aimed at achieving that goal deeply telling. But even here, and maybe especially here, the dreaded federal government isn't trying to 'kill' the industry. If anything, it's trying to save it from itself.
That's because it's easy to imagine a post-Trump future in which demand for oil has begun to decline and the carbon intensity of fossil fuel exports is penalized [or, taken into account] by importers (like, say, the ones in Europe). If Canada's oil producers don't start preparing for the net-zero world they claim they're committed to building, they're either going to be left behind or forced to eat an ever-larger discount on their barrels. And while Alberta's government has only offered a 12 per cent tax credit on carbon capture and storage projects, Ottawa is offering 50 to 60 per cent right now. Which one is the problem again?
Rather than retreating from these facts, the defenders of Canadian unity need to help Albertans better understand them. The more they cater to this jaundiced view of confederation, one in which Alberta is a perpetual victim, the more they undermine its durability. Danielle Smith and her fellow separatist enablers are telling Albertans one version of the story. It's time for the rest of us to tell them the truth before support for separation actually starts to grow.
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National Observer
18 minutes ago
- National Observer
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Vancouver Sun
24 minutes ago
- Vancouver Sun
Canada's population standstill rattling Vancouver's housing industry
For the first time in 74 years, the population of both B.C. and Ontario dropped by a few thousand people in the first months of 2025. Sounds dramatic. And in some ways it is. That's even though the dip in the total number of people doesn't make a statistical difference for either province. In the first quarter of this year, B.C. had 2,357 fewer residents than at the end of 2024; Ontario lost 5,644. But, as Statistics Canada says: 'While small compared to the size of each province, these were the largest quarterly losses in population for both Ontario and B.C. since comparable records began in 1951. ' Stay on top of the latest real estate news and home design trends. By signing up you consent to receive the above newsletter from Postmedia Network Inc. A welcome email is on its way. If you don't see it, please check your junk folder. The next issue of Westcoast Homes will soon be in your inbox. Please try again Interested in more newsletters? Browse here. In each of the past two years B.C. had added more than 160,000 people, an unprecedented annual growth rate of more than three per cent, almost all of it fuelled by Ottawa's openness to international migration. The fact this year has seen the most significant dip in the two provinces' populations in almost three generations appears to signal the end of Canada's recent ultra-high migration experiment. This new phenomenon, a population standstill, is having repercussions, especially on the housing market. The federal Liberals, after a decade in power, seem to have finally got the public's message that their policies were creating too much demand on housing and rents. As a result, in May Prime Minister Mark Carney said, albeit vaguely, that his government will bring 'overall immigration rates to sustainable levels.' Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre, meanwhile, is becoming bolder. 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'Immigrants exhibit higher housing use compared with Canadian-born individuals,' it said. 'Immigrants occupy, on average, 310 owned units … per 1,000 people. By contrast, Canadian-born individuals occupy 271 owned units … per 1,000 people.' However, the two studies, which correctly emphasize that other factors, such as interest rates, also impact housing costs, point to just the tip of how Canada's migration iceberg affects real estate. That's partly because the StatCan research primarily focuses on immigrants, defined as those who become permanent residents, which in 2023 amounted to 471,000. Such immigrants these days make up just a fraction of newcomers. There is now an historic high of about three million temporary residents in Canada, mostly international students and guest workers. Just as importantly, the StatCan studies don't look at how foreign money has in the past 15 years infiltrated the housing market. Other researchers have found evidence of the power of transnational capital to skew markets. A new peer-reviewed paper by B.C. researchers Josh Gordon, David Ley and Andy Yan shows foreign capital, especially from China, has been a striking factor in raising B.C. housing values, a fact the authors say is often 'celebrated behind closed doors by the real estate industry.' Given Canada's big cities have some of the most unaffordable homes in the world, Poilievre is responding with a policy position that aims for 'negative growth' in population. 'We're going to need more people to leave than to come for the next several years,' Poilievre told The Hub, an online news outlet. 'We have to have a hard rule … that the growth in the housing stock, job market and availability of doctors must always be higher than the growth in population. 'We can't overload any of those systems for our own people, and it's not fair for the people who come. It's actually a false promise if we invite people here and then they have no place to live.' In the midst of such Tory and Grit rhetoric, what is actually happening to migration rates? The Liberals are marginally dropping official immigration targets to up to 436,000 this fiscal year, which compares with 250,000 before they were brought into power in 2015. Temporary residents remain at 7.1 per cent of the population, compared with three per cent before 2020 . Carney's new goal is five per cent. Even with overall migration rates far above what they were a decade ago, property developers and their allies are telling the public and politicians they're stressed. Big real-estate players, like Wesgroup Properties LP and the Rennie Group, haven't been shy about telling journalists they're laying off staff. The luxury condo marketers at Rennie Group and Michael Audain , owner of Polygon Homes , are also calling for more foreign cash in Canadian housing. So is Anne McMullin, longtime president of B.C.'s Urban Development Institute, which represents developers. She's trying to rouse politicians at all levels into action . Five weeks ago McMullin sent a letter to federal Housing Minister Gregor Robertson arguing 'Canada's multi-family development model depends on pre-selling 60 to 70 per cent of units to secure construction financing.' 'With the departure of both foreign buyers and domestic investors, this model is faltering and choking off the supply pipeline,' she wrote. The recent decline in real-estate market activity has 'shown that (foreign buyers) were a critical componen t of the capital stack needed to get projects off the ground,' McMullin said. Robertson and the Liberal cabinet need to 'amend the foreign-buyer ban to allow foreign investment in newly constructed homes that carry rental covenants or demonstrable housing contributions,' said her letter. 'Looking ahead, the federal government should also consider expanding this allowance to permit foreign buyers to reside in the homes they purchase.' How will Robertson and Carney react? Even though both have received political donations from developers , it's hard to predict. Opinion polls show a firm majority have turned against current migration volumes. But since Carney hasn't said anything more specific than that he wants 'sustainable levels' of migration, he's left the door open to do almost whatever he sees fit to respond to the housing crisis. dtodd@