
If you're a woman and getting divorced here's GOOD news
The General (Family) Laws Amendment Bill, 2025, introduced by Justice Minister Mmamoloko Kubayi, aims to overhaul long-standing gaps in South Africa's matrimonial property regime, which have left many financially vulnerable in divorce or death.
Currently, couples who married out of community of property and without the accrual system – common in unions after 1984 – have separate estates.
In the event of divorce, the law provides no automatic right to share assets, even if one spouse made non-financial contributions, such as raising children or supporting a partner's career.
For decades, this meant a spouse could leave a marriage with nothing, regardless of years of unpaid labour and emotional support.
While courts could grant limited redistribution orders in some divorce cases, these excluded many marriages, especially older ones, and offered no relief in cases where a marriage ended due to death.
The new bill addresses these inequalities head-on.
It introduces redistribution rights in divorce proceedings for those previously excluded and, for the first time, allows asset claims when a marriage ends in death.
This change follows a 2023 Constitutional Court ruling, which declared the existing system unconstitutional for discriminating against spouses – mostly women – who lacked financial bargaining power when entering marriage contracts.
The legislation also proposes amendments to the Mediation in Certain Divorce Matters Act, expanding the role of the Family Advocate to better assist financially dependent spouses during divorce proceedings.
This includes: Enhanced mediation support
Legal guidance for non-earning spouses
Protection for surviving spouses in intestate estates
Legal experts say the changes will significantly help: Women married before the accrual system was common
Homemakers or caregivers with no income
Older South Africans whose marriages never accounted for financial inequality
'These reforms bring long-overdue justice to spouses who sacrificed careers or incomes for their families,' said family law specialist Lindiwe Mokoena.
'It levels the playing field for thousands who were previously sidelined by outdated laws.'
The bill is now heading to parliamentary debate and public consultation, expected to take place in the coming months.
If passed, it will modernise South Africa's divorce law, making it one of the most progressive in protecting vulnerable partners in the country's democratic history.
Let us know by leaving a comment below, or send a WhatsApp to 060 011 021 1
Subscribe to The South African website's newsletters and follow us on WhatsApp, Facebook, X and Bluesky for the latest news.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

IOL News
9 minutes ago
- IOL News
Trust in the judiciary: South Africa's crisis of confidence
President Cyril Ramaphosa appointed Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga to chair the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into allegations of corruption in the criminal justice system. Ramaphosa and the ANC have demonstrated that an oath to uphold and protect the Constitution is politically meaningless, says the writer. Image: Independent Media Archives Prof. Sipho Seepe South Africans live in hope. For seven nerve-wracking days, they waited patiently for President Cyril Ramaphosa to address them on one of the most pressing crises the country has faced since 1994. A week earlier, Lt. Gen. Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi had placed the entire criminal justice system on trial. Mkhwanazi implicated the Minister of Police, Senzo Mchunu, top brass, correctional services, senior politicians, and members of the judiciary in an intricate web of crime syndicates and drug cartels. The allegations put the country on the knife-edge. This is the stuff that collapses governments. When Ramaphosa finally faced the nation, the address was characteristically and predictably underwhelming. All opposition parties took potshots at Ramaphosa. Those who were disappointed in Ramaphosa's utterances have themselves to blame. First, Ramaphosa is not a man of courage. He has no backbone. Placed in a prickly situation, his instinct is to choose ANC's interests over those of the country. Second, Ramaphosa and the ANC have demonstrated that an oath to uphold and protect the constitution is politically meaningless. Third, Ramaphosa does not come with clean hands. The Phala Phala farmgate scandal must have weighed heavily on his mind. The independent parliamentary panel, comprising luminaries in law, found Ramaphosa to be possibly guilty of serious misconduct of violating section 96(2)(b) by acting in a way that is inconsistent with his office. Ramaphosa was also found to have violated section 96(2)(b) by exposing himself to a situation involving a conflict between his official responsibilities and his private business. The panel concluded that. 'Viewed as a whole, the information presented to the Panel, prima facie, establishes that (1) There was a deliberate intention not to investigate the commission of the crimes committed at Phala Phala openly.' The damning findings by the former Chief Justice Sandile Ngcobo-led panel have not triggered the usual knee-jerk reaction that we have come to expect from the self-appointed custodians of constitutionalism. If anything, they have been conspicuously silent and absent. Confronted by the ever-lingering prospect of possible impeachment of Ramaphosa over the farmgate scandal, the ANC did what it does best. It closed ranks and squashed parliament's attempt to establish a Multi-Party Committee to investigate its leader. An annoyed Thabo Mbeki wrote. 'Are we [the ANC] saying that we suspect or know that he (Ramaphosa) has done something impeachable and therefore decided that we must protect our president at all costs by ensuring that no Multi-Party Committee is formed?...... We acted as we did [as if] there was something to hide'. There is no way that Ramaphosa was going to throw Mchunu, one of his supporters, under the bus without facing serious political repercussions. The establishment of a judicial commission of inquiry was the only safe route open to Ramaphosa. It enables Ramaphosa to postpone addressing a tricky political question of dispensing with Mchunu's services. Be that as it may, the inquiry should not prevent the police from conducting criminal investigations against those implicated in the alleged commission of crimes. Neither does the commission absolve parliament of its oversight responsibility. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ With a president burdened by allegations of possible criminality, it would be foolhardy to expect that the recommendations of the Madlanga Judicial Commission of Inquiry will be taken seriously. That the country can be held in suspense by a President who has proved to be a constitutional delinquent reflects the pervasive sense of lack of accountability, paralysis, and resignation that grips the nation. South Africans deserve Ramaphosa. No self-respecting country would allow this. South Africans have expressed a sense of inquiry-fatigue. They have witnessed far too many commissions without any of them leading to discernible positive effects. Some commissions were demonstrably weaponised to target certain individuals disliked by the establishment. Ordinarily, had it not been for the fact that Mkhwanazi implicated judges in the commission of corrupt activities, the establishment of a judicial commission would be unquestionable. Matters become complex if one considers the fact that the very judiciary had decided that South Africans cannot be entrusted with information relating to who funded President Ramaphosa's 2017 ANC presidential candidacy. Mkhwanazi's allegations lend credence to the speculations that the reason the CR17 files are sealed is that they may implicate some members of the judiciary or their family members. Ramaphosa is lucky. Each time he asks the courts to seal matters that relate to him, the courts oblige. This raises several questions. What happened to transparency being the lifeblood of democracy? If Ramaphosa is innocent as he pretends, why rush to the courts for cover? Who are the funders and beneficiaries of the CR17 funds? The tendency to obfuscate issues whenever Ramaphosa is involved played itself out at the Constitutional Court. Instead of zeroing in on the bigger picture, the country's esteemed jurists inordinately debated whether the parliamentary panel had established a prima facie or sufficient evidence. Their colleague, Justice Owen Rogers, would have none of it. He contended. 'A person loses 8.7 million Rand, they would want to know who the investigating officer is, and has it been reported to the police. Is there a case pending? It is a common cause that there wasn't… There was a deliberate decision because the president wanted to keep secret the source of the money; that's the background to where the panel was coming from.' This invariably raises the perennial question: Who judges the judges? The former Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng answered that question when he contended that 'one of the things we needed to do as judges is to give reasons for our decisions that an ordinary man can understand. You must be worried when you read a judgment, and you are struggling to make sense of it.... We ought to know that partly, we account to the public through our judgments. Now, if you write in such a way that the public can't even understand what you are doing, what kind of accountability is that? We don't write for lawyers. We don't account to lawyers only; we account to every South African citizen.' The question becomes pertinent given society's growing mistrust of the judiciary. According to the 2018 Afrobarometer survey, 32% of South Africans suspect that judges are involved in corruption. In 2002, the level of mistrust was 15%. Responding to the 2021 Afrobarometer report on the society's loss of confidence in the judiciary, Chief Justice Mandisa Maya argued that 'the judiciary itself needs to do an introspection and check if we are to blame for this change of attitude towards the institution.' The chair of a commission of inquiry must be beyond reproach for the commission to enjoy legitimacy and credibility. For now, we can only speculate. And the picture is not rosy. * Professor Sipho P. Seepe is an Higher Education & Strategy Consultant. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.

IOL News
12 hours ago
- IOL News
Point of view: why the Fair Pay Bill could transform recruitment practices in South Africa
The Fair Pay Bill aims to revolutionise recruitment in South Africa by prohibiting employers from asking for salary history, promoting transparency and equity in pay practices. This article explores the implications of the Bill for job seekers and employers alike. Have you ever been asked to submit your payslip by a prospective employer, before you've even sat down for the interview? For many South Africans, it's a routine (and often frustrating) part of the job search. But that could soon change. The recently tabled Fair Pay Bill aims to put an end to this outdated practice and usher in a more equitable era of recruitment. If passed, it would prohibit employers from requesting your current or previous salary history and instead require them to be upfront about what they're willing to pay. In short, transparency becomes the rule, not the exception. According to Norma Mazibuko, partner, and Amandla Makhongwana, senior associate at Bowmans South Africa: 'This is a game-changer for both employers and job seekers and, if passed, is set to reshape recruitment, pay practices, and workplace culture across the country.' That statement isn't just hopeful, it's a challenge to long-standing hiring norms. Mazibuko and Makhongwana say South Africa isn't alone in rethinking how pay is structured. The European Union's Pay Transparency Directive is set for roll-out by June 2026, while several US states have already banned questions about salary history. The trend is clear: the world is moving towards fairer pay, and we'd be wise not to be left behind. What's powerful about the Fair Pay Bill is its emphasis on the root causes of inequality. Historically, linking new salaries to previous ones has trapped many, especially women, the youth, and people from marginalised communities, in a cycle of underpayment. Start low, stay low. If each new offer is based on an already disadvantaged benchmark, how do you ever break the cycle? And yet, in many HR departments across the country, this remains standard practice. Some would argue that knowing a candidate's pay history helps assess market value or avoid overspending. Yet this line of thinking contradicts the spirit of the Employment Equity Act, 1998 (EEA), and does little to close pay gaps. As Mazibuko and Makhongwana point out, the Bill 'is in line with this growing movement towards increased pay transparency.' It also reframes the conversation entirely: instead of asking what you used to earn, employers are being nudged to ask, what is this role worth, and what can this person bring to it? And merit-based pay? It thrives under this model because decisions are no longer anchored to arbitrary past figures but built around skills, potential, and responsibility. Key Highlights of the Bill: No more salary history questions: Employers may only consider past pay if a formal offer has already been made and the candidate initiates the disclosure. Pay ranges must be advertised: Vague terms like 'market-related' will no longer cut it. Candidates will know upfront what the job is worth. Transparent communication: Employees will be able to discuss pay openly, breaking down taboos and secrecy. Documented pay structures: Employers will need clear records of salary bands and justifications for pay decisions. It's not just about compliance. It's about modernising how we talk about pay and fairness. As employment law experts at Cliffe Dekker Hofmeyr (CDH) notes, the EEA 'aims to eliminate unfair discrimination and implement policies that correct historical disadvantages experienced by black people, women, and people with disabilities.' Yes, some employers may face new challenges: assessing value in specialised sectors without historic anchors, or losing the upper hand in salary negotiations. But perhaps it's time we stopped treating equity as a burden and started seeing it as an investment. Another promising ripple effect of the Bill is how it subtly intersects with broader conversations about the difference between minimum wage and a living wage. Is a legally defined minimum enough to cover housing, food, transport, and school fees? Or should we reframe wage structures entirely to reflect dignity and sustainability? The Fair Pay Bill invites employers and policymakers to ask these deeper questions. If enacted, this Bill will be more than legislative housekeeping. It will challenge the status quo, level the playing field, and build stronger trust between employers and the workforce. And in a country still working toward economic justice, that shift is not only overdue, it's necessary. * Maleke is the editor of Personal Finance. PERSONAL FINANCE


The Citizen
14 hours ago
- The Citizen
How do you know you are ready to retire?
Retirement does not happen on the day of your 60th birthday anymore. These days you must be financially ready to retire. How do you know you are ready to retire? It is no longer a question of how old you are, but of how much you have saved to ensure you can have a comfortable retirement. Siphamandla Buthelezi, head of platforms at advisory firm NMG Benefits, says there is a moment in every career when you should stop asking, 'How much have I saved for my retirement?' and start asking, 'What now?'. 'Retirement is not the end of your financial journey but the beginning of a new one. While most of us spend decades building up our retirement savings, far fewer take the time to understand how to turn our savings into a reliable income, navigate new tax realities and properly plan our estate. 'This is why people approaching retirement must ask the right questions. The ideal time to start putting everything in place is five years before you retire. This enables you to make informed decisions, iron out any admin issues and understand the impact of your choices.' Here are the most important questions you should ask your financial adviser: What happens to my savings? Is it better to opt for a living annuity or a life annuity? Should you take a portion as a lump sum? Each comes with different income options, tax implications and risks. Buthelezi says If you choose a living annuity, you will have to decide on a realistic monthly drawdown rate and ensure your investments can keep up with inflation. 'A life annuity, on the other hand, offers guaranteed income for the rest of your life but comes at the cost of flexibility.' ALSO READ: South Africans are living longer and need to plan for longer retirement – here's how How will fees affect my income? Platform administration, investment management, and advice fees can significantly reduce your net income over time. 'Every rand spent on fees is a rand that does not support your lifestyle, and therefore, you should understand what you pay for and whether it is reasonable.' Are there tax implications? If you are behind on your taxes, Sars will deduct the outstanding amount from your savings before you receive a cent, Buthelezi warns. 'In addition, any lump sum you may take is taxed according to a sliding scale, although the first R550 000 is tax-free. Monthly drawdowns from living or life annuities are taxed just like any other income.' ALSO READ: Poor financial literacy about retirement costing SA and consumers millions What about medical aid? Unless your employer offers post-retirement medical benefits, your membership ends when your job does, he points out. 'Even if you are allowed to stay on your company's scheme, the portion that your employer may have been paying will likely fall away, leaving you to foot the full premium just as your healthcare needs start to increase.' Apart from the monthly premium, you must also plan for gap cover and chronic condition benefits. Does my will reflect my wishes? Buthelezi says you must ensure your will is up to date and your beneficiary nominations align with your intentions. 'If you are concerned about your future decision-making capacity, you should consider giving someone power of attorney to make financial and healthcare decisions on your behalf. This should not be given lightly. You must fully trust the person and understand what you are authorising.' ALSO READ: Looking for a retirement property? Here's what to look for Will my lifestyle be sustainable? A good rule of thumb is that your retirement income should equal 75% of your final salary, assuming that major expenses, like bond and car payments, have been settled. Buthelezi says this is where a detailed financial and lifestyle audit comes in. You must map out exactly what your income will be, what your expenses will look like and whether there are any shortfalls. He notes that retirement is not just about stopping work. 'It is about stepping into a new chapter with the confidence that your financial foundation is solid. And this process does not begin the day you stop working. It begins today, with asking the right questions.'