logo
How Yunus' assault on shared Bengali heritage betrays his own nation

How Yunus' assault on shared Bengali heritage betrays his own nation

First Post20-07-2025
The Gopalganj violence, the failure to conduct autopsies, and the move to demolish Satyajit Ray's ancestral home are not mere missteps but a profound betrayal of the Bangladeshi people's trust and their shared history with India read more
It is absolutely essential that the Yunus-led interim government take immediate steps to restore Bangladesh's democratic character while safeguarding the rich Bengali heritage that defines the nation and its deep ties with India. Image: AP
The bloodbath in Gopalganj on July 16, 2025, is a gut-wrenching testament to the catastrophic failure of Muhammad Yunus's interim government, a regime that has plunged Bangladesh into a vortex of violence and cultural betrayal. This wasn't just a clash; it was a massacre, with at least five confirmed dead—though Bangladesh Human Rights Watch (BHRW) suggests a staggering 21 fatalities, a number the government refuses to verify. The Nationalist Citizens' Party (NCP), widely seen as Yunus's puppet, sparked the chaos by confronting Awami League supporters in Gopalganj, the symbolic heartland of Sheikh Hasina and the birthplace of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
The state's response was not justice but repression: a suffocating curfew, over 160 arrests, and a chilling refusal to conduct autopsies on the victims, as confirmed by Jibitesh Biswas, superintendent of Gopalganj General Hospital. No death certificates were issued, and Dhaka Range DIG Rezaul Karim Mallick's vague promise of 'legal procedures' is a hollow insult to the grieving. As someone who holds Bangladesh's storied resilience close, I'm enraged by this desecration of Gopalganj, a place that embodies the nation's fight for freedom, now stained by a government that seems to revel in tearing it apart.
This isn't an isolated tragedy but a symptom of a broader collapse under Yunus's watch since August 2024. The interim government has presided over a relentless wave of violence—murders, mob lynchings, rapes, and attacks on minorities—that has left Bangladesh's social fabric in tatters. The brutal killing of Lal Chand Sohag in Dhaka and the gang rape in Cumilla are not anomalies but glaring evidence of a nation spiralling into lawlessness. Yunus, with breathtaking arrogance, claims crime statistics show 'stabilisation', a lie so blatant it mocks the fear gripping ordinary citizens. The move to demolish the ancestral home of Harikishore Ray Chowdhury, Satyajit Ray's forebear, in Mymensingh—once the Mymensingh Shishu Academy—is a deliberate act of cultural vandalism.
India's Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) requested for its preservation, offering to fund its transformation into a museum celebrating the shared Bengali heritage of both the nations. West Bengal's Mamata Banerjee echoed this plea, but Yunus's regime responded by saying that the said house has no connection to Satyajit Ray whatsoever, hell-bent on erasing a piece of history that binds India and Bangladesh. Belayat Hossain Mamun, general secretary of the Federation of Film Societies of Bangladesh, warns this is a trial run for further destruction, potentially targeting Upendrakishore Ray Chowdhury's birthplace in Moshua, Kishoreganj. The contrast with Sheikh Hasina's government, which restored the Kishoreganj site, is stark—Yunus seems intent on obliterating the very soul of Bengal.
Sheikh Hasina's blistering statement cuts through the fog of this crisis with razor-sharp clarity. She brands Yunus a 'murderer-fascist', accusing him of orchestrating a conspiracy to dismantle Bangladesh's identity through his NCP proxies. Her words are not mere passion but a righteous cry against a regime that has desecrated sacred symbols: Bangabandhu's residence, the Liberation War Museum, the national flag, the anthem, and the Constitution. She points to the NCP's 'March to Gopalganj' as a calculated assault on Bangabandhu's mausoleum in Tungipara, a site she rightly calls the heart of Bengali identity.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
Hasina's assertion that 'Bangabandhu and Bangladesh are one and inseparable' resonates deeply, as does her praise for the people of Gopalganj, who, despite facing tear gas and bullets, stood as guardians of their heritage. The state's response—indiscriminate gunfire on civilians—surpasses, as she puts it, 'medieval barbarity'. The refusal to conduct autopsies or inquests, as admitted by hospital and police officials, reeks of a cover-up, a desperate bid to bury the truth of this bloodshed. Hasina's call for resistance is a rallying cry for a nation under siege by its own government.
The international community is sounding the alarm, and rightly so. BHRW, in a scathing letter to UN Secretary-General António Guterres, accuses the Bangladesh Army of complicity in the Gopalganj crackdown, a charge echoed by a UK-based human rights group. BHRW's claim of 21 deaths underscores the scale of this tragedy, far beyond the government's sanitised narrative. The NCP, derisively (and accurately) called 'the king's party', stands accused of unleashing a reign of terror—vandalising and burning Hindu temples, statues of national heroes, businesses, and public properties.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
This isn't just violence; it's a systematic campaign to erase Bangladesh's pluralistic identity. BHRW's demand for an independent UN investigation and the deployment of human rights observers is a damning verdict on Yunus's inability to govern. The silence from his administration, refusing to acknowledge the true death toll or address these accusations, only deepens the perception of a regime complicit in chaos. The world is watching, and Yunus's failure to act is a betrayal of the Bangladeshi people and their global allies.
What stings most is the betrayal of the shared heritage between India and Bangladesh. Since Bangladesh's birth in 1971, India has been the unwavering friend of its people, standing shoulder-to-shoulder through the Liberation War and beyond, championing the dreams of a free, vibrant nation. The MEA's offer to rebuild Satyajit Ray's ancestral home was a gesture of brotherhood, a plea to preserve a legacy that transcends borders. Yunus's rejection of this olive branch is not just an insult to India but a slap in the face to the Bangladeshi people, who cherish their cultural roots. The destruction of such sites, coupled with the violence in Gopalganj, signals a regime that cares nothing for the shared history that has long united our nations. It's a gut-punch to those of us who see Bengali culture—its art, its heroes, its spirit—as a bridge between two peoples.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
It is absolutely essential that the Yunus-led interim government take immediate steps to restore Bangladesh's democratic character while safeguarding the rich Bengali heritage that defines the nation and its deep ties with India. The Gopalganj violence, the failure to conduct autopsies, and the move towards demolition of Satyajit Ray's ancestral home are not mere missteps but a profound betrayal of the Bangladeshi people's trust and their shared history with India, a steadfast ally since 1971.
The interim regime must heed the international outcry from groups like Bangladesh Human Rights Watch and honour India's plea to preserve cultural landmarks, such as transforming the Mymensingh site into a museum, as a symbol of unity. By prioritising transparent investigations into the Gopalganj deaths, curbing the NCP's violent excesses, and protecting sites like Bangabandhu's mausoleum and Upendrakishore's Kishoreganj home, the Yunus government can begin to rebuild public faith. Only through genuine democratic reforms and a commitment to preserving the pluralistic, cultural soul of Bangladesh can this government redeem itself and honour the aspirations of a people yearning for justice, stability, and preservation of their very identity.
STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
The writer takes special interest in history, culture and geopolitics. The views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Meet actress who allegedly dated star cricketer, later married into a royal family, sparked controversy due to..., she is...
Meet actress who allegedly dated star cricketer, later married into a royal family, sparked controversy due to..., she is...

India.com

time28 minutes ago

  • India.com

Meet actress who allegedly dated star cricketer, later married into a royal family, sparked controversy due to..., she is...

While most heroines were told their careers ended with motherhood, Moon Moon Sen did the exact opposite. She married into royalty, had two daughters, and then made her big-screen debut at 30. With her first film Andar Baahar in 1984, she raised eyebrows. But it wasn't just her looks that made headlines; it was her confidence and bold choices, both onscreen and off. She later shared screen space with Madhuri Dixit in 100 Days and acted in a string of notable films like Kuch Toh Hai, Zakhmi Dil, Mohabbat Ki Kasam, and Sheesha opposite Mithun Chakraborty. Across Hindi, Bengali, Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam, and Kannada films, she appeared in over 60 films and 40+ TV shows. Where did she come from? Born into privilege, Moon Moon was the daughter of Bengali legend Suchitra Sen and granddaughter of a wealthy businessman, Adinath Sen. She was an English literature teacher in Kolkata and studied at Oxford before Bollywood found her. She married Bharat Dev Varma, from a royal lineage, in 1978. The couple has two daughters, Riya and Raima, both of whom tried their hand at acting. What about the Imran Khan connection? The buzz around Moon Moon wasn't limited to her films. Over the years, she was linked to several high-profile names, from Saif Ali Khan and Romu Sippy to Victor Banerjee. But the most talked-about was her alleged affair with former Pakistani cricketer and PM, Imran Khan. The media claimed the two dated and even shot for a magazine together, while Moon Moon was married. In a 2019 interview with PTI, she addressed it, 'I like spending time with Imran. If my husband doesn't have a problem, why should others?' She added that they were just friends. But the buzz never quite died down. Did she stop at films? Nope. Moon Moon later joined politics, becoming a member of Mamata Banerjee's Trinamool Congress and winning a Lok Sabha seat. Politics, like cinema, welcomed her late, but she made it count. Moon Moon Sen's story is one of charm, controversy, and breaking conventions. From teaching English to starring in 6 languages and facing political elections, her script was anything but ordinary.

Delhi: JP Nadda joins veterans in Defence Colony for Mann Ki Baat
Delhi: JP Nadda joins veterans in Defence Colony for Mann Ki Baat

Hans India

time28 minutes ago

  • Hans India

Delhi: JP Nadda joins veterans in Defence Colony for Mann Ki Baat

BJP National President and Union Health Minister Jagat Prakash Nadda on Sunday led the party's Delhi unit leaders in tuning in to Prime Minister Narendra Modi's 'Mann Ki Baat' radio show in the company of veterans. Nadda listened to the 'Mann Ki Baat' programme at Defence Colony along with Vinod Tawde, Baijayant Jay Panda, Delhi BJP President Virendra Sachdeva, Bansuri Swaraj, and retired army officers at an event coordinated by local MLA Neeraj Basoya. Additionally, the Delhi BJP made arrangements for the public to listen to the programme across 14 organisational districts. Sachdeva stated that PM Modi consistently strives to bring positive stories and initiatives from across the country to the public through Mann Ki Baat. As a result, the programme has now become a people's movement. He added that the way PM Modi highlighted how science in the 21st century is rapidly progressing with renewed energy is commendable. He mentioned the recent success of Indian students at the International Chemistry Olympiad and that students also won three golds, two silvers, and one bronze medal at the International Mathematical Olympiad held in Australia — a matter of great pride. Elsewhere, Union Minister of State Harsh Malhotra and Delhi BJP's Organisational General Secretary Pawan Rana listened to the programme in Gharauli, East Delhi, with Mayur Vihar District President Vijendra Dhama and party workers. Earlier, the Delhi BJP President paid tribute to the three civil services aspirants who tragically drowned on July 27, 2024, due to sewer backflow in the basement of a coaching centre in Rajendra Nagar, as well as a student who died from electrocution due to a hanging wire in Patel Nagar. Sachdeva stated that due to criminal negligence and corruption by the Arvind Kejriwal government, no proper cleaning of drains and sewers was carried out in 2024, which led to the untimely deaths of these four talented students – Naveen Dalwin, Shreya Yadav, Tanya Soni, and Nilesh Rai – along with nearly 50 other citizens of various ages, who died due to drowning in waterlogged areas. The Bharatiya Janata Party had promised in its 2025 election manifesto that it would seriously address the issue of waterlogging, and we are satisfied that our government has managed to keep waterlogging to a minimum. Sachdeva further stated that the BJP-led Delhi government had pledged to prevent the recurrence of such accidents in Rajendra Nagar, Patel Nagar, Moti Nagar, Burari, Kirari, and other areas. 'We are proud that, unlike last year when over 50 lives were lost due to waterlogging in Delhi, no such incidents occurred this year due to the vigilance and preparedness of the government,' he said.

The rumble in Bihar NDA
The rumble in Bihar NDA

Hindustan Times

timean hour ago

  • Hindustan Times

The rumble in Bihar NDA

The late Ramvilas Paswan, founder of the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), used to be described as the weathervane of Indian politics. His political shifts reflected changes in voter preferences, it was said. Has Chirag Paswan, chief of Paswan's party and an important member of the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA), inherited his father's political intelligence as well, that he is sensing a rumble in Bihar ahead of the assembly polls and wants to stay clear of Chief Minister Nitish Kumar? On Sunday, Chirag Paswan said, 'I feel sad that I am supporting a government where crime has become rampant.' He also added that 'the administration has a hand in it, or it is trying to cover up these incidents, or it has become completely ineffective'. The Union minister spoke against the backdrop of a series of violent crimes in Bihar, including multiple high-profile murders in Patna. On Thursday, a young woman who fainted while attending a recruitment for home guards in Bodh Gaya was allegedly gang-raped inside the ambulance that was ferrying her to a hospital. Nitish Kumar's party, the Janata Dal (United), has claimed that the situation is not as bad as critics make it out to be. But the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data indicate that the number of crimes in Bihar rose by 78% between 2015 and 2022 (the last year for which NCRB data is available), when it had increased by 24% at the national level. Bihar was among the 10 worst states in terms of overall cases of crimes from 2020 to 2022, with its rank rising from ninth in 2020 to seventh in 2022. To be sure, absolute numbers are high also because Bihar is a large state — it is the third most populous state in India (Census 2011). The perception that law and order in Bihar has deteriorated is gaining ground — which is why Chirag Paswan's remarks will hurt the NDA, and particularly, the JD(U). One, law and order has been a key campaign issue of Nitish Kumar, who once went by the moniker, Sushasan (good governance) Babu. The NDA has contrasted Nitish Kumar's tenure with the record of Lalu Prasad and his wife, Rabri Devi, in office (1990-2005), which it describes as jungle raj. Two, Nitish, after 20 years in office, is battling anti-incumbency and any dissonance in the NDA will hurt his prospects. The NDA won in 2020 with the narrowest of leads — its vote share was just 0.03% more than that of its rival, the RJD-led Mahagathbandhan. More importantly, the LJP, which contested on its own, polled over 5% votes, and targeted the JD(U), which lost 28 seats. Anecdotal evidence suggests that the overall law and order situation in Bihar under Nitish Kumar has improved, but electoral politics is as much influenced by perceptions as it is by tactics and social alliances. Chirag Paswan, who has been open about his ambitions in Bihar politics, may have spotted an undercurrent that the JD(U) missed.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store