Laila Soueif, on 247th day of hunger strike for jailed British-Egyptian son, defiant in face of death
A remarkable, witty and courageous woman, she has the self-awareness to admit: 'I may have made a mistake, God knows,' but she will not back down, and anyone looking back at her rich life has little evidence to doubt her perseverance.
Speaking from the hospital on Tuesday, Soueif said: 'My message is: use my death as leverage to get Alaa out. Don't let my death be in vain.'
Soueif told the BBC: 'It's something that I passionately don't want to happen. Children want a mother, not a notorious mother – whether the notoriety is good or bad – but if that's what it takes to get Alaa out of jail and to get all my children and grandchildren's lives back on track, then that's what I'm going to do.'
Fattah was arrested in September 2019, and sentenced in December 2021 to five years in jail for 'spreading false news and harming Egypt's national interest'. A UN panel concluded Egypt was illegally detaining him.
Soueif described her eventful life to the Guardian. Born in Britain in 1956, where she lived until she was two, she comes from an academic family. Her father, Mostafa Soueif, was the founder of Cairo University's psychology department and founder of Egypt's Academy of Arts.
Her mother, Fatma Moussa, was a professor of English literature at Cairo University, an accomplished translator of Shakespeare and Naguib Mahfouz, the Egyptian Nobel prize-winning novelist. Her sister Ahdaf is a distinguished novelist and essayist.
Her parentage gifted her a love of literature. At the age of 11, bed-ridden from typhoid, she was given a copy of War and Peace to keep her quiet and now even in hospital a novel has always been on her bed.
She said she was also raised on Jane Austen, so is 'partial to texts in which every word is considered and nothing is superfluous'. She also developed a love of maths, telling her father at the age of eight that she loved 'solving maths puzzles, and it did not seem like school work'. She went on to become an assistant professor of maths at Cairo University.
She spent her adolescence on Brazil Street in Zamalek, an affluent district in Cairo where like any other neighbourhood there was a band of rebellious teenagers. 'I loved riding motorcycles with the boys and had fleeting romances, but I steered clear of drugs. I never hid anything from my parents either. I'd even take my romantic calls on the house phone,' she recalled.
She said her sister Ahdaf 'was always the polished, captivating mademoiselle – five boys would be infatuated with her at the same time. She was the older sister everyone admired. Meanwhile, I was the punk, trying everything out. Our parents never wanted us to be replicas of each other, or of them.'
Politics was always part of the household and a pivotal moment came in 1967 when Israel defeated Egypt in the six-day war. It was a political awakening. She said: 'People who'd always remained silent spoke out. I remember seeing family friends who had been close to the regime, officers in the army, sitting in our living room, weeping: 'We betrayed the country! We lost it.''
She recalled her first student protest in high school in the early 1970s, when demonstrations were erupting across campuses calling for an uprising against the Israeli occupation of Sinai. 'I remember watching students march from everywhere, even Zamalek, to Tahrir Square. A student friend and I joined, thrilled.' She met her husband, Ahmed Seif el-Islam, and the father of Alaa, at Cairo University. She was doing an MA in algebra and he was a member of a secretive group called Al-Matraqa that had split away from the Egyptian Communist party, disillusioned by the party's reformism.
Laila had inherited from her parents a cynical attitude towards any party organisation, but she loved Seif for his mind and his sincerity.
Related: Must Laila Soueif die from her hunger strike in London before her son Alaa Abd el-Fattah is released? | Helena Kennedy
Alaa was born in 1981. In 1983, her husband was arrested and tortured. A year later she was given the chance to undertake a PhD at Poitiers University in France, taking her son with her, but returned to Cairo for a year after her husband was arrested in 1983. He was found guilty of illegal weapons possession, and sentenced to five years in jail. On bail, he went into hiding with his wife and young son for three months only to decide that life as a fugitive was impossible and so gave himself up. In jail he was again tortured.
While in prison he received a BA in law and within a month of leaving jail was admitted to the bar. He became one of the most effective human rights lawyers in Egypt.
It was in France that Laila formed a deep emotional bond with Alaa, but started to learn the sacrifice involved in political activism. She said: 'The fact that Seif was in prison when Alaa was very young created a very special relationship between us.
'I had to explain things that you should never have to explain to a child – why his father was in prison, that there are bad police and good police – the good ones, who catch thieves and organise traffic, and the bad ones, who arrest people who oppose the government.
'You don't usually need to know these things when you're four or five.'
Later her admiration for Alaa's ability to look after his two younger sisters comforted her in continuing a teaching career.
On returning to Cairo full-time, she helped found the March 9 movement in 2004, an organisation dedicated to academic autonomy and removing the state from universities. Her reputation as someone who would confront the police in protests became legendary. She was often the last to leave.
Although she participated in the demonstrations in Tahrir Square in 2011, she like many had not anticipated the scale of the popular movement that would bring about the fall of Egypt's then president, Hosni Mubarak. By then she was the matriarch of three human rights activists. Sanaa, the youngest of the three and then 18, joined their activism during the Mohamed Mahmoud street clashes in 2011 that resulted in more than 40 being killed.
A week before Mubarak's fall in February 2011, Soueif's husband was arrested in his office and later interrogated in prison by Abdel Fatah al-Sisi, then head of military intelligence, and now president. In an exchange with Sisi, Seif el-Islam unusually answered him back, describing Mubarak as corrupt.
Seif el-Islam later told the Guardian that Sisi 'became angry, his face became red. He acted as if every citizen would accept his point and no one would reject it in public. When he was rejected in public, he lost it.' The episode is sometimes cited as one reason Sisi seems so determined to keep Alaa in jail.
The revolution, in the hands of the Muslim Brotherhood, imploded. Soueif said: 'We couldn't believe that the most prepared organisation for governance wasted itself on eliminating the opposition as its first task, instead of achieving tangible accomplishments on the ground. Even the religious current in Iran, when it took power, implemented some social and economic achievements for the masses before it became a dictatorship. But for the MB to start by fighting the opposition in the streets – how did they think that would work?'
With the collapse of the revolution and the capture of power by the military, the family suffered. In June 2014 Alaa was first arrested for violating protest laws and then in October Mona, the middle daughter, then aged 20, was convicted of a similar offence and jailed for three years. She had two spells in jail. At the time Soueif and her other daughter Mona went on a hunger strike lasting 76 days.
When her husband died aged 63 in August 2014, two of his children were in jail, and were barred from seeing him in hospital. Alaa spoke movingly at his father's funeral.
Since then Soueif's life has been one long attempt to secure his release and ensure his life in prison is bearable.
She was once asked during the hunger strike whether what she was doing frightened her. 'My mind is aware that I am doing something different, but my feeling as a mother is that this is normal and intended.
'Any mother in my circumstances with the ability to do so would do this. People don't easily realise what you can do. I know all the time that there are things that work, I don't guarantee the results at all, but I tell myself that there's nothing more to lose.'
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Fox News
an hour ago
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UN blasted for funding committee 'created to destroy the Jewish state,' despite budget crisis
Critics slammed the United Nations for rewarding a controversial anti-Israel Commission of Inquiry with four new positions worth up to three-quarters of a million dollars, even as the world body undergoes a severe cash crisis. "When it comes to spending money for the spread of antisemitism, the U.N. doesn't have a spending limit," Anne Bayefsky, director of the Touro Institute on Human Rights and the Holocaust and president of Human Rights Voices, told Fox News Digital. On June 4, the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Palestinian Territory, Including East Jerusalem (COI), led by South African Navi Pillay, announced four new job openings for senior-level positions in Geneva. These include two P-2 level associate interpreters, one higher-level P-3 level human rights officer, and a still more senior P-4 level human rights officer. Combined, their salaries will range from $530,000 to $704,000, based on salary scales released by the U.N. and its location-based salary multiplier (set at .814 for Swiss employees), published in a document supplied to Fox News Digital by a diplomatic source. These salaries do not include other senior-level U.N. employee benefits, including dependent costs, housing allowances, or relocation fees. Bayefsky asked why the U.N.'s "belt-tightening exercise…applies to all kinds of urgent matters but exempts the COI, which has simultaneously gone on a spending-spree." "The COI was created to destroy the Jewish state and is now conducting itself accordingly." She said its latest report, issued in June, is "totally unhinged" and "claims Israelis are like Nazis engaged in 'extermination' of the Palestinians, refers to those 'extremist Jews,' denies biblical history, [and] fuels antisemitism by claiming Jews defile Muslim holy sites." A spokesperson from the U.N. Human Rights Office did not respond to Fox News Digital's questions about the Commission's findings. Pillay and the COI have come under fire previously for anti-Israel sentiment. In January 2022, 42 Republicans and Democrats in Congress signed an open letter calling for the U.S. to defund the COI. The Representatives expressed concern that "Chairwoman Navi Pillay, while serving as U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights from 2008 to 2014, repeatedly and unjustly accused Israel of committing war crimes." They stated that while she condemned Israel, Pillay "reportedly said nothing at all about egregious human rights abuses in dozens of other countries which, unlike Israel, received the worst, 'Not Free' rating from the respected Freedom House." In October 2023, a representative from the U.S. Mission to the U.N. in Geneva said before the Third Committee of the U.N. that the U.S. "remains deeply concerned about the scope and nature of the open-ended Commission of Inquiry established in May 2021. The COI demonstrates a particular bias against Israel in subjecting it to a unique mechanism that does not exist for any other U.N. Member State." In October 2024, a report from the COI excluded information about Hamas' use of Kamal Adwan Hospital for operations, failed to recount the maltreatment Israeli hostages received at Gazan hospitals, and could "not verify" that tunnels found below Al-Shifa hospital "were used for military purposes." Bayefsky said the report trafficked in blood libels. In March, Pillay's commission claimed that rape and sexual violence are part of the Israel Defense Force's "standard operating procedures towards Palestinians." Pillay also said that the IDF's sexual violence creates "a system of oppression that undermines [Palestinians'] right to self-determination." In response, Bayefsky called Pillay "the world's leading champion of the 2001 U.N. 'Durban Declaration' slander that a Jewish state is a racist state." In March 2024, Congress passed a budget bill that eliminated funding for the COI while simultaneously banning funds for the U.N. Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), according to the Jerusalem Post. The U.N. Human Rights Council is already experiencing the impact of the organization's liquidity crisis. In a June 16 letter penned by U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk, the Human Rights Council outlines more than a dozen reports, as well as studies, regional workshops, and panels mandated by the Council, which were not able to be completed due to inadequate resourcing. In response to a request for comment about how the COI has received additional personnel while the Human Rights Council deals with scarcity, spokesperson Pascal Sim told Fox News Digital that the Human Rights Council's "views are only expressed in the resolutions and decisions that its 47 Member States adopt at the end of each of its sessions." To the question of whether the council is in greater need of personnel or funds to fulfill its current workload, Sim said that "Member States of the U.N. are currently continuing consultations on this matter." In a press conference on July 1, U.N. Under-Secretary-General for Policy Guy Ryder updated reporters on U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres' cost-cutting UN80 Initiative. Ryder said that the U.N. recognizes "that we have a difficult task of untangling the undergrowth of decisions and resolutions and mechanisms that we put in place to implement them, and we wonder if we're going to be able to advance significantly." 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In 2022, the U.N. reports that $18.1 billion, or 26.8%, of its $67.5 billion in expenditures came from the U.S.


New York Post
3 hours ago
- New York Post
Between horror and hope ordinary Iranians brave an uncertain future
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'I shouldn't be on this call with you.' 6 Like Amini (above), hundreds of Iranians have been arrested — and dozens killed — amid a crackdown by regime authorities in the wake of the war with Israel. How are Iranians coping? Hundreds of thousands leave the country annually — some 180,000 in 2019 alone — for North America and Europe where their advanced degrees and professional skill sets have been in high demand. Exact figures are hard to verify, but according to a 2014 study, this worsening 'brain drain' accounts for an annual loss of $150 billion to the Islamic Republic's economy. Advertisement The regime has no plans to reverse the tide, long branding those who leave as traitors. 'They say the brains escaped. Let them escape . . . they are treacherous brains,' railed the leader of the Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini, in 1985. Those who remain hang on to the faint hope that the regime will collapse under the weight of its own brutality. While the clerics are in the throes of reconstituting their power in the aftermath of the Israeli and American bombings, Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi has stepped up his activities to unite Iranians. Earlier this week he announced plans for a summit 'of national cooperation' to lead the country in a 'democratic transition.' 6 Despite efforts like this one by Iranian leaders such as President, Masoud Pezeshkian to rally citizens around the flag, the war with Israel has only revealed cracks in regime authority that have been deepening for decades. APAImages/Shutterstock For many others, the 12-day war and Israel's attacks on symbolic regime institutions — such as the Basij militia headquarters, the notorious Evin prison and the state television station (IRIB) — represent a new kind of hope, one that is backed by the hard power of Washington and Tel Aviv. 'This regime should end,' pleads the masked woman in perfect English. 'If you leave this regime with these wounds they will hurt all of us — here, in Europe and in America. Please help us.' Nazee Moinian is an adjunct fellow at the Middle East Institute.


Time Magazine
4 hours ago
- Time Magazine
How Keir Starmer Squandered His First Year as Britain's PM
It was a moment that will remain etched in British minds. Finance minister Rachel Reeves became tearful in front of the entire nation on Wednesday, almost exactly a year after Labour took office with a huge majority in parliament. The episode came as the government was forced to U-Turn on cutting welfare benefits for millions of disabled people, after a rebellion from MPs that has raised questions over how long Reeves or even Prime Minister Keir Starmer might last in their posts. The wreckage lays bare a paradox that has beset Labour since it came to power. Its orientation is unfailingly orthodox and conservative, defined by 'fiscal restraint' and the defense of established institutions. Yet in a country that needs renewal rather than retrenchment, this kind of politics tends to generate perpetual crises—which have, in turn, caused the party to make a series of shambolic climbdowns that have eroded its credibility. It would be a stretch to say that Labour has deflated popular expectations. The party owed much of its election on July 4, 2024 to widespread anger at the Conservatives, who had governed for a 14-year period marked by austerity, a chaotic Brexit, perpetual scandals, and an infamous run on bond markets when one of the party's Prime Ministers, Liz Truss, tried to implement unfunded tax cuts for the superrich. (The Daily Star began a livestream to see whether Truss or a head of lettuce would have a longer shelf life; the lettuce won.) Labour took office with 64% of seats in parliament despite a modest 34% of the vote. Turnout was at a historic low, with some calling Starmer's victory a 'loveless landslide' or a 'majority without a mandate.' The party had not sought to distinguish itself from the Conservatives on the basis of ideology: both agreed on the necessity to rein in state spending, the primacy of the special relationship with Washington, and the need to cut migration. 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But for many today, the closest thing on offer is the beaming, cigar-puffing demagogue Nigel Farage, leader of the far right Reform party, whose unimaginative promise to 'Make Britain Great Again' and freeze immigration has gained ever more traction as the Labour government flounders. Although Reform won just five of 650 seats in the 2024 election, it triumphed in local elections in May. Recent polling put its support at 34%, and there is growing talk that Farage could become the next Prime Minister. Its surge has coincided with a series of riots across England and Northern Ireland, in which racists attacked asylum seekers and set fire to their accommodation. Rather than working out a consistent line to counter Farage, Starmer has often equivocated. First his government broadcast lurid videos of migrants being deported and pledged tough new restrictions to prevent Britain from becoming an 'island of strangers'—echoing the words of the infamous Enoch Powell in his 'Rivers of Blood' speech. Starmer would later apologize, saying that neither he nor his speechwriters were aware it resembled Powell's remarks. It was yet another example of Labour's dynamic of prevarication and self-sabotage: failing to win over Reform voters while alienating many of his own supporters. Senior party figures are now reportedly suggesting that Starmer could be forced out within months. The lesson is that, in today's Britain, the refusal to pursue meaningful change leads to perpetual turbulence and instability. Unless Starmer finds a way to avoid the latter, his political survival cannot be assured.