Global military spending at all-time high in '24
Europe saw the sharpest rise at 17%, driven by the Russia–Ukraine war. Romania led with a 43% hike, followed by Poland (31%) and Germany (28%). Russia's military spending rose 38%, while Ukraine's rose 2.9%. Japan, amid regional tensions, recorded its highest defence budget growth since 1952.
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Mint
4 hours ago
- Mint
In charts: Do Donald Trump's claims about India stack up?
As US-India trade negotiations continue, President Donald Trump has imposed a 25% tariff on Indian imports, while making a string of assertions about the country on his Truth Social platform. Trump's comments can be distilled into four main claims: that India maintains high tariff and non-tariff barriers; that it continues to buy large quantities of Russian defence equipment and oil; that the US conducts little business with India and suffers from a massive trade deficit; and that India's economy, along with Russia's, is 'dead." Not all of those claims hold up. To begin with, India does impose steep import tariffs, a long-standing criticism at home and abroad for limiting competition in its domestic market. According to the World Trade Organization, India has an average tariff rate of 16.2% among G20 nations, second only to Turkey. By contrast, India's peers from BRICS, Brazil (12%), China (7.5%) and South Africa (7.5%) all levy lower duties. Only five countries, including India, maintain average tariffs above 10%. Trump's second point—India's defence ties with Russia and its oil purchases—is broadly accurate but lacks nuance. New Delhi and Moscow have been strategic partners since India's independence, even as the country has pursued a non-aligned foreign policy. Russia was once the dominant supplier of Indian defence imports, accounting for nearly 90% of procurement at the start of the century. That share has since declined to around 40%, as India diversified its purchases. France now accounts for 14.2% of India's arms imports, and Israel 26.5%. The US, however, remains a minor supplier, with an 8.8% share as of 2024, according to data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. India's oil imports from Russia, meanwhile, are a more recent development. Following the war in Ukraine and subsequent Western sanctions, Russia offered steeply discounted crude oil, an attractive proposition for India, which relies heavily on energy imports. Indian officials argued that price should remain the primary factor in sourcing oil. However, in recent months, Indian refiners have reportedly paused Russian imports amid the threat of secondary sanctions. Trump also claimed that the US has done 'little business" with India and runs a large trade deficit with the country. Again, there is some nuance here. The US is one of India's largest trading partners, accounting for around 20% of India's exports—its biggest share for a single country—and that figure has grown steadily. By contrast, the US's share in India's imports has held steady at 6-7%. From the US perspective, the trade deficit with India stands at $45.8 billion, placing India far below other trading partners. The US runs significantly larger deficits with nine other countries and blocs. The gap with China, for instance, is $295.5 billion, more than six times the deficit with India. Last but not least, the claim of the Indian economy being 'dead" can be laid to rest. For years now, despite its struggles with poverty and low income, India has been the fastest-growing emerging economy. One could argue that the current rate of sub-7% growth may not be enough for equitable growth in India, and there is a need for major reforms to push the growth further, but there is no doubt that the country is currently in its prime phase, offering enormous promise.
India.com
24-07-2025
- India.com
These 44 countries may regret trusting China for..., Pakistan, Bangladesh paying heavy price for doing this, should India be worried?
These 44 countries may regret trusting China for..., Pakistan, Bangladesh paying heavy price for doing this, should India be worried? In the past few years, there have been many reports about problems with Chinese weapons. Some Chinese missiles failed during tests in Pakistan, and Chinese fighter jets crashed in Bangladesh. Still, China continues to sell its low-cost weapons and aircraft to many countries around the world. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), China sold weapons to 44 countries between 2018 and 2024. But this raises some important questions as to which countries are buying these weapons, and why? Especially when there are doubts about their quality. And should India be worried about this? What went wrong with Chinese weapons in Pakistan and Bangladesh? Missile and jet failures in Pakistan Shaheen-3 Missile Incident : On July 22, 2025, Pakistan tested the Shaheen-3 missile, which was developed with help from China. The missile failed during the test and crashed near a nuclear facility in Dera Ghazi Khan, causing a loud explosion. Some debris even fell close to homes in Dera Bugti, Balochistan. This missile, like the JF-17 fighter jet, is a joint project between China and Pakistan. : On July 22, 2025, Pakistan tested the Shaheen-3 missile, which was developed with help from China. The missile failed during the test and crashed near a nuclear facility in Dera Ghazi Khan, causing a loud explosion. Some debris even fell close to homes in Dera Bugti, Balochistan. This missile, like the JF-17 fighter jet, is a joint project between China and Pakistan. Problems with JF-17 Fighter Jet : Pakistan's JF-17 Thunder jet, made in partnership with China, has faced many technical issues. In 2020, there were complaints about its radar not being accurate. Also, the FM-90 missile system, which comes with the jet, had faulty sensors. : Pakistan's JF-17 Thunder jet, made in partnership with China, has faced many technical issues. In 2020, there were complaints about its radar not being accurate. Also, the FM-90 missile system, which comes with the jet, had faulty sensors. Issues with F-22P Navy Ships: China also built F-22P frigates for Pakistan's navy. These ships had engine problems and did not perform well. Their radar and sensor systems were also found to be faulty. Despite all this, many countries still buy weapons from China because they are cheaper compared to those from the US or Europe. But the reliability of these weapons remains a serious concern. Jet crashes in Bangladesh raise concerns over Chinese Weapons Bangladesh had procured K-8W jet trainers from China, but by 2018, serious flaws were discovered in their ammunition systems. Several jets ended up crashing, causing both financial and operational setbacks for the Bangladeshi Air Force. Back in 2017, Bangladesh also bought the FM-90 surface-to-air missile system from China. However, issues soon emerged in its radar and sensor systems, leading to doubts about its reliability. These repeated incidents have sparked major concerns over the quality of Chinese-made military equipment. Despite this, many nations continue to turn to China for arms due to their lower prices and flexible terms. Which countries are buying Chinese weapons? According to data from the SIPRI and RAND Corporation, between 2018 and 2024, at least 44 countries purchased arms and aircraft from China. Most of these buyers are developing nations, drawn by the affordability and accessibility of Chinese military exports. Between 2018 and 2024, around 77.3 per cent of China's total arms exports went to Asian countries, followed by 19.1 per cent to Africa. Here's a region-wise breakdown of major buyers and the Chinese weapon systems they've acquired: Here's a look at some of the key countries and what they've purchased: Pakistan – China's top defense client Pakistan accounts for a massive 63 per cent of China's arms exports. The two countries also co-develop certain weapons. Key acquisitions include: JF-17 Thunder fighter jets (jointly developed), J-10C multirole fighter jets, PL-15E air-to-air missiles, HQ-9 and LY-80 air defense systems, F-22P and Type 054A/P frigates, Wing Loong drones. Bangladesh K-8W trainer jets, FM-90 air defense systems, Type 056 corvette ships, C-802 anti-ship missiles. Between 2010 and 2020, Bangladesh's total military purchases from China amounted to around USD 970 million (Trend-Indicator Value). Myanmar Myanmar has deepened defense ties with China, especially post-2021 coup. Weapons acquired include: 17 JF-17 fighter jets, CH-3A surveillance drones, Y-8 transport aircraft, Type-43 frigates, Type-92 armored vehicles. CH-3A drones were reportedly used for surveillance against civilian protestors following the military coup. Thailand S26T submarines, VT-4 main battle tanks, Type 071E amphibious landing ships. Indonesia C-705 anti-ship missiles, FM-90 air defense systems. In 2017, a fatal accident involving Chinese-made arms raised fresh questions about their reliability. Sri Lanka Y-12 transport aircraft, Type 053H frigate. Africa: 19.1 per cent of Chinese Arms exports Nigeria: CH-4 drones, VT-4 tanks, SH-5 artillery. Algeria: CH-4 drones, HQ-9 missiles, C-28A corvettes. Ethiopia: SH-15 self-propelled howitzers. Côte d'Ivoire: VN22B armored vehicles. Sudan: FTC-2000 trainer jets, Type 96 tanks. Uganda: Type 85 tanks, SH-3 artillery. Zambia: K-8P trainer jets, Z-9 helicopters. Kenya: VN-4 and WZ-551 armored personnel carriers. Namibia: FT-9 jets, Type 07PA artillery. Cameroon: Type 07PA artillery, WZ-551 vehicles. Ghana: Z-9 helicopters. 🇹🇿 Tanzania: Type 63A amphibious tanks. Djibouti: WMA301 assault guns. Senegal: PTL-02 assault guns. Morocco: Sky Dragon 50 air defense systems. Egypt: Wing Loong drones. Tunisia: CH-4 drones. Middle East: Expanding Influence Saudi Arabia Has actively procured CH-4 and Wing Loong drones. Over 40 Chinese defense firms participated in the 2024 World Defense Show in Riyadh. United Arab Emirates Bought Wing Loong and CH-5 drones, diversifying away from U.S. suppliers. Jordan turned to China for CH-4 drones in 2015, after the U.S. denied a request for MQ-1s. Iraq Acquired CH-4 drones and FT-9 trainer jets. Oman Purchased C-802 anti-ship missiles. Iran, a long-time Chinese defense partner since the 1980s, Iran has received: C-802 and C-704 missiles, Type 92 armored vehicles, Tanks, aircraft, and missiles. South America Venezuela: K-8W trainer jets, VN-4 armored vehicles. Bolivia: K-8 jets, Type 92 armored vehicles. Peru: Type 90B rocket launchers.
Deccan Herald
17-07-2025
- Deccan Herald
India's balancing act in a polarised world
The recent NATO Summit in The Hague witnessed the new dawn of realism, prominently led by United States President Donald Trump and followed silently by most European partners. With a commitment to 'invest 5 per cent of GDP annually towards defence — and security-related spending by 2025', it is clear that NATO is concerned about the US' security and economic Spain has taken a tough stance by announcing to spend only 2.1% of its GDP on military, followed closely by Belgium seeking 'maximum flexibility' in meeting NATO's revised spending target. Experts point out how the 2025 NATO Declaration bluntly made no mention of 'protection and preserving the rules-based international order as laid down by the UN Charter' — a norm noticed in earlier declarations. Although security-related issues are embedded within the NATO discourse, diplomatic endeavours need to factor in aspects of inclusive growth, shared prosperity, and collective multilateral order — an element noticed in its previous iterations.A look at global outlay on defence reflects a steady increase in spending capacities of the nations. For instance, in 2024, military spending globally rose by 9.4% in real terms, amounting to $2,718 billion. This also happens to mark the tenth consecutive year of an increased global defence budget. The US, China, and Russia top the list, with India in fourth position, as per the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) Military Expenditure India, its defence capabilities are gradually expanding by way of industrial reforms, modernising armed forces, and strengthening the native defence production to meet not only its domestic needs but also for bolstering exports. Spending almost 2.3% of its GDP on defence, India allocated about $75 billion in its Union Budget geopolitical strife across the globe, including in its own backyard with terrorist strikes in Pahalgam in April, has perceptibly compelled New Delhi to focus its energies on enhancing self-reliance in military preparedness. Yet technological innovations, R&D development, and leveraging investment towards military infrastructure depend largely on a nation's fiscal framework and its strategic cordial, yet careful, stance away from a NATO membership is rooted in its historical foreign policy of non-alignment and maintaining its strategic autonomy. Instead of depending on any military alliance to aid its external security, India chooses to safeguard its borders flexibly, depending on the fast-changing regional and global in the face of increased global defence spending, development is naturally experiencing a stress test at the international scale. Talks of climate adaptation, building health resilience, energy transition and ensuring holistic sustainable development are gradually coming under intense strain. As such, Agenda 2030 appears to be in a tensions have visibly created ruptures in the global security architecture resulting in a fractured community. Real needs of the vulnerable, such as access to clean energy, nutritious food, and good health is a pivotal target for a majority of the low-income and least-developed countries. But at the same time, securing one's territorial integrity, sovereignty, and maintaining strategic autonomy is heavily reliant on cutting-edge military equipment and defence multilateral forums like the G20 and BRICS pushing forward the socio-economic development agenda of the Global South and attempting to establish a counterforce to the existing Western institutions, ensuring smooth international order is a persistent challenge. In this sense, threats by Trump to impose extra tariffs on the BRICS countries yet again underscore the economic realism aimed at capturing the currency market in global supply by both NATO and non-NATO countries alike, global spending trends on defence possibly enforce the reprioritisation of security over development. Yet it's a catch-22 situation. As one of the prominent partners and fastest-growing economies in the world, the big question remains — is India ready to deal with the economic trade-offs associated with welfare and larger developmental targets and defence spending?Swati Prabhu is Associate Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation.
