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When the U.S. and Israel Bomb the Houthis, Civilians Pay the Highest Price

When the U.S. and Israel Bomb the Houthis, Civilians Pay the Highest Price

New York Times21-05-2025

Mohammed Omar Baghwi was working the evening shift on April 17 at Ras Isa port in Yemen's northwestern Hudaydah Province when the American military began bombing.
As a manager, Mr. Baghwi, 45, was responsible for a department that filled cooking gas cylinders. He was one of at least 74 people killed during the strike, making it one of the deadliest attacks by the United States on Yemen.
U.S. Central Command said it had attacked the port to 'degrade the economic source of power' of the Iran-backed Houthi militant group based in northern Yemen that controls most of the country. But Mr. Baghwi's family said he had been just a civilian trying to make ends meet.
'Mohammed and his companions had done nothing wrong,' said Hassan Omar Baghwi, his brother. 'They were simply doing their job to earn a living for themselves and their families under extremely difficult living conditions.'
The Houthis have been firing drone and missile strikes at Israel in solidarity with Hamas after it led an attack against Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, and to pressure Israel over its campaign in Gaza. The Houthis have also targeted commercial ships in the Red Sea, a vital trade route.
Those attacks have prompted retaliatory strikes from the United States and Israel, which, for the past two months, have regularly bombed Yemen. The American and Israeli governments say the strikes were focused on Houthi leaders and assets, but they have also killed many civilians, destroyed vital infrastructure and deepened uncertainty in the poorest country in the Middle East.
Before President Trump announced this month that the United States had reached a cease-fire with the militia, the Trump administration had said its main goal was to restore navigation in the Red Sea. When he announced the cease-fire, Mr. Trump said the Houthis had 'capitulated.'
The Houthis have continued to attack Israel, however, launching missiles that have landed near Ben Gurion Airport, close to Tel Aviv, setting off sirens and sending millions of civilians into bomb shelters. Israel has responded with more strikes, and the two sides show little sign of stopping their tit-for-tat attacks.
Analysts say the strikes will only add to the misery for Yemeni civilians, the vast majority of whom live in Houthi-controlled territory and had already experienced decades of war before the U.S. and Israeli attacks. The Houthis oppose the United States and Israel, and see themselves as part of the Iranian-led 'axis of resistance,' alongside Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon.
But despite the months of strikes, some analysts and officials have questioned whether the U.S. and Israeli efforts have degraded the Houthis' military capability. The Trump administration has launched more than 1,000 strikes costing billions of dollars and have destroyed Houthi weapons and equipment. But U.S. intelligence agencies have said the group could easily reconstitute.
'The strikes have already triggered a fuel crisis, which will drive up the cost of basic goods and services in a country where most of the population are struggling to afford food,' said Nadwa al-Dawsari, an analyst focused on Yemen at the Middle East Institute in Washington.
'Even if their operations slow temporarily, they'll regroup, rebuild and return stronger,' she added.
Civilians and aid workers say the bombing campaigns have compounded an already dire humanitarian situation.
In 2014, the Houthis seized on a period of political instability to take over the country's capital, Sana. A Saudi-led military coalition backed by U.S. assistance and weapons began a bombing campaign in 2015 to try to restore the internationally recognized government. The coalition enforced a de facto naval and air blockade that restricted the flow of food and other goods into Houthi-held territory. The intervention failed, leaving the Houthis in power in the north of the country. The subsequent civil war has killed hundreds of thousands of Yemeni civilians and caused one of the world's worst humanitarian crises.
In a briefing to the United Nations Security Council last week, humanitarian officials warned that Yemen still faced serious challenges. 'Half of Yemen's children — or 2.3 million — are malnourished, 600,000 of them severely so,' said Tom Fletcher, the United Nations' humanitarian chief. He added that 2,000 nutrition programs had been forced to shut down.
Israeli airstrikes on Yemeni cities this month, including on the city's international airport, caused nearly $500 million in damages, according to the airport's director, and flights were suspended for more than a week. Israel said the attack had been in retaliation for a Houthi missile strike near Ben Gurion Airport.
But the airport in Sana is mainly used for civilian travel and is one of the few ways Yemenis can get access to emergency medical treatment overseas.
Waseem al-Haidari, a 42-year-old government employee in Sana, said past closures of the airport because of airstrikes had caused painful financial and emotional hardship on families like his when emergency medical treatment is needed.
'Our family sold valuable belongings and borrowed additional money to cover my brother's trip through Aden Airport to Cairo for a cornea transplant,' he said. Critically ill patients in Yemen are left with no choice but to endure a grueling 24-hour road journey to Aden or Seiyun, in the south of Yemen, to seek medical evacuation abroad.
The western port city of Hudaydah, which the Israeli military says is a critical supply route for the Houthis, has borne the brunt of U.S. and Israeli strikes over the past year. Many of its ports and roads, which are lifelines for food and medicine entering the country, are in ruins.
Even residents in southern areas of the country that are run by the internationally recognized Yemeni government say they were being affected, even if they are not in an area that has been regularly bombed.
Saleh Ramadan, 49, lives in a dilapidated home in the southern city of al-Mukalla, where his children sleep in a dimly lit room. There is no furniture, no table for meals, no cupboards to store clothes.
'In the past, we could buy meat and chicken, even celebrate Eid with meat and new clothes,' he said, referring the Islamic festival celebrated at the end of Ramadan. Now, he said, his family often skips meals.
Mr. Ramadan's eldest son, Mohammed, 20, dropped out of school to help his father deliver cooking gas. When the children get sick, the family relies mostly on herbal remedies because it cannot get medicine, which has become too expensive or is in short supply.
Mr. Trump's decision to slash overall U.S. aid spending has made matters worse. Aid agencies have had to scale back food distribution, and the United Nations' World Food Program has warned that without new funding, programs for malnourished children under 5 could stop as early as this month.
The Trump administration's decision to re-designate the Houthis as a terrorist group has also complicated efforts to deliver humanitarian aid, as international banks fear contravening U.S. sanctions and are hesitant about processing transactions involving Yemen. Donor fatigue and geopolitical tensions have made securing aid even more challenging.
The costs of food and transportation have soared, and the U.N.'s humanitarian office has reported that many families now spend up to 60 percent of their income on food alone.
For Sara Mohammed, a widowed mother of three living in al-Mukalla, the struggle has been relentless. Living in a makeshift home with her mentally ill mother and blind father, she said the family relied on her sister's income as a domestic worker and their father's modest pension.
'We can't afford food,' she said. 'My sister dropped out of college to work two shifts. She has heart problems but can't afford medical treatment. My kids eat boiled rice. We survive on faith.'

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Ted Cruz alluded to that scripture when he defended his support of Israel's war with Iran in a recent interview. 'Growing up in Sunday School, I was taught from the Bible that those who bless Israel will be blessed and those who curse Israel will be cursed,' he said. Other evangelical leaders have made similar claims. Pastor John Hagee, a prominent evangelical leader, has said that supporting Israel is not a political issue — it's a biblical one. Hagee is the founder and chairman of Christians United for Israel, which boasts 10 million members and bills itself as the largest pro-Israel organization in the US. 'It is not possible to say, 'I believe in the Bible' and not support Israel and the Jewish people,' he once declared. Trump won the support of about 8 out of 10 White evangelical Christian voters in the 2024 presidential election. And in a CNN poll after the airstrikes on Iran, 87% of Republicans said they trust Trump to make the right decisions about US' use of force against the country. Franklin Graham, son of the late evangelical leader Billy Graham, said on X after the bombing of Iran 'that the world is in a much safer place.' The Rev. Robert Jeffress, a prominent evangelical leader, suggested last week that opposition to Israel is rebellion against God. While delivering a Sunday sermon praising Trump's decision, Jeffress sermon was interrupted by applause and a standing ovation from his congregation. 'Those who oppose Israel are always on the wrong side of history, and most importantly, they are on the wrong side of God,' Jeffress said. 'And I thank God we finally have a president who understands that truth in Donald Trump.' Such unconditional support of Israel might make spiritual sense to evangelicals. But some scholars say it's a risky stance for a multiracial and multireligious democracy like the US to take. Americans' support for Israel had dropped to historic lows before the US' use of force in Iran. Tisby, the religious historian, tells CNN that the Israel depicted in the Bible is not the same as the modern-day country. 'If you conflate the two, you end up supporting all kinds of actions that hurt people in the name of politics,' Tisby says. 'It leads to the reluctance to recognize the rights of Palestinians. It blinds us to the human rights and justice issues that are at stake in the Middle East.' Tisby and other religion scholars say America's bombing of Iran is also influenced by another source: a form of Christianity pioneered in the 19th century by John Nelson Darby, an Anglo-Irish pastor. Darby looked at certain passages in the Bibe's book of Revelations and devised the concept of 'dispensationalism.' It divides history into distinct 'dispensations,' or periods through which God interacts with humanity differently. Many adherents to this tradition believe in a fiery apocalypse and the 'Rapture' — a moment when Christians are suddenly lifted to heaven before a period of tribulation on Earth. Darby's views were amplified a century later by the popular 'Left Behind' novels and films of the 1990s and 2000s, which reached millions of evangelicals with apocalyptic visions of the end times. The book series, inspired by Rapture theology and gory scenes in the Book of Revelation, has sold more than 65 million copies. The 'Left Behind' books were marketed as fiction, but they were treated as biblical truth by many evangelicals. Views of dispensationalism were taught in many evangelical churches, youth camps and Sunday schools, bringing them into the mainstream. Central to dispensationalism is the role of Israel in the last days. Its adherents believe that the establishment of the modern state of Israel marks the beginning of the end times — heralding the Second Coming of Christ. Israel's geopolitical success and security are seen as necessary preconditions for Christ's return, Tisby says. Dispensationalism has permeated White evangelical culture so much that many evangelicals today have adopted its tenets without being familiar with the term, Tisby says. 'Just because you don't have the name doesn't mean you're not actually adhering to the beliefs,' he says. 'It's so common now that it doesn't need to be named anymore.' Prophecies about angelic armies battling demonic armies in an apocalyptic Middle East sound implausible to many, but such beliefs gripped many of the White evangelical pastors and families she grew up with, says Bass, author of 'Freeing Jesus.' She recalls evangelical pastors preaching that whenever Israel gained more territory, it was God's will. Some pastors condemned Iran as evil. Jews, they said, would finally accept Jesus as their savior. But Jesus' return would be preceded by a series of cataclysmic events like the sudden disappearance of God's faithful and those 'left behind' — the non-believers who didn't accept Jesus. The belief that Christians could be teleported to heaven in the twinkle of an eye traumatized many young people at the time, she says. 'I had friends who would literally wake up in the middle of the night. And if their house was really quiet they would get very frightened and they'd sneak into their parents' bedroom to make sure their parents were still in their house,' she says. Most mainstream biblical scholars say the word 'rapture' does not appear in most translations of the Bible or the Book of Revelation. Many mainstream Biblical scholars say the Book of Revelation does not depict the literal end of the world: It's an anti-Roman tract that used coded language to tell Christians that God would destroy Rome's evil empire. Bass calls belief in the Rapture a 'completely invented theology' and 'one of the most wildly successful heresies in the history of Christianity.' A belief system that says God will end the world through violence offers no incentive for a political or religious leader to avoid war — or backtrack when events spiral out of control, she says. 'In the framework of this 'end times' theology, destruction is always a sign that God is working and is about to return,' Bass says. 'In this theology, the worse things become, the closer it is to the end. There is no motivation to do good, care for the poor, make sure that wars don't happen, and care for the planet.' Apocalyptic visions about the end of the world are common in many religions. And it's not unusual for a political leader to invoke God before going to war. But when citizens in a democracy believe political leaders are divinely appointed and driven by prophecies, it leaves no room for debate, Tisby says. 'There's a sort of fundamentalism to it all,' he says. 'It's unbending, unchanging and it can't be critiqued because its divine. Who are we to question? 'Any uncritical, unyielding support of a political actor, no matter what the conflict, is dangerous,' he says. If this is part of the dynamic that guides the US' future actions in the Middle East, it could lead to another final question. Many critics of Iran say it is a theocracy led by someone who reduces the world to a clash between good and evil and whose foreign policy is driven by apocalyptic religious myths. What if America's clash with Iran is driven in part by some of the same religious forces? John Blake is a CNN senior writer and author of the award-winning memoir, 'More Than I Imagined: What a Black Man Discovered About the White Mother He Never Knew.'

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