Does humanity have a future in the virtual and AI age?
And the tech-populist tension is potentially one of the deepest, with implications that extend far beyond one presidential administration. To Andreessen, joining with Trumpism and the right is an opportunity for Silicon Valley to slip free of both the ideological shackles imposed by woke progressivism and, more important, the regulatory shackles that the Biden administration wanted to impose on rapidly advancing frontier technologies, artificial intelligence above all.
To Bannon, the idea of Silicon Valley unbound is, first, a variation on the kind of neoliberal globalism that Trump campaigned against in 2016, and second, a potentially dystopian path to a post-human future, where the elite aspires to a cyborg existence and machine intelligence makes ordinary human beings increasingly obsolete.
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Yomiuri Shimbun
4 days ago
- Yomiuri Shimbun
Consumed by Epstein, Trump Has Lost Ground on the Economy and Immigration
President Donald Trump spent much of last week trying to fend off a revolt in his base over the Jeffrey Epstein case, but he has more than just problems within his own MAGA followers. He has lost ground with the broader public on issues that once were among his strongest attributes. A year ago, voters saw Trump as a better steward of the economy than Vice President Kamala Harris. His tough talk on immigration appealed to many voters who saw the southern border as out of control and who blamed the Biden administration for the huge influx of undocumented migrants. Now he's getting negative reviews on both. A new Gallup poll shows a remarkable turnaround in public sentiment about aspects of immigration policy. Other recent surveys find significant dissatisfaction with Trump's handling of the economy. When he was sworn in, Trump promised a new 'Golden Age.' It's clear that, six months into his presidency, the public isn't buying all the hype. Trump would like nothing better than to point to successes in his second term, and he has had some. The swirling Epstein controversy makes that difficult. Trump has tried to dismiss the controversy as Democratic-manufactured fakery, though this was always an issue generated by conspiracy theorists in the president's base. He wants Attorney General Pam Bondi to seek the release of pertinent grand jury testimony, a dodge that doesn't address demands for full transparency. For now, he seems stuck, unless his threatened lawsuit against the Wall Street Journal over a story that says he sent a risqué 50th birthday note to Epstein (which he denies) consolidates his base. The White House would like to change the subject, but when press secretary Karoline Leavitt tried to do that at the top of her Thursday briefing, her lengthy opening statement helped to highlight apparent concerns about public sentiment on both the economy and immigration. Leavitt reeled off statistics trying to make the case that the economy is working for people. She provided citations of arrests as evidence that Trump is ridding the country of migrants with violent criminal records. It will take more than that to drown out the Epstein controversy and change public opinion about his other policies. This comes at a moment when the president has notched some clear successes. Congress approved the big tax cut and immigration bill. The Supreme Court has given him some victories, including a green light to fire thousands of federal workers. The airstrike on Iran's nuclear facilities has brought a ceasefire between Iran and Israel and set back Iran's nuclear program. NATO nations have agreed to increase defense spending. This past week Trump agreed to send Patriot air defense systems to Ukraine, paid for by the Europeans. That decision came after his public complaints about Russian President Vladimir Putin's continued assault on Ukraine and public perceptions that the Russian leader has played the American president on the issue of a ceasefire and settlement of the war. Trump also has delivered on his campaign promise to tighten security at the U.S.-Mexico border. Illegal crossings are at a low point. His problem is that people don't like other aspects of his immigration policy: the aggressive roundups of undocumented and sometimes legal migrants, the deployment of U.S. military forces to Los Angeles to quell protests, numerous legal battles over the deportations that have pitted the administration against the courts. All have contributed to the reshaping of public opinion. The result is something Trump could never have imagined when he was sworn in: The public now sees the value of immigration more positively and widespread deportations and the administration's enforcement tactics less positively. Last year, 55 percent of Americans said they wanted a reduction in immigration, according to Gallup. Today, that's dropped to 30 percent. Gallup also notes that a record 79 percent of Americans say immigration is a good thing for the country. That's a 15-point jump in the past year. Meanwhile, support for hiring more border agents, which is supposed to happen under the new 'big, beautiful bill' the president signed on July 4, has declined by 17 points in the past year. Support for deporting all undocumented immigrants has dropped nine points, to 38 percent. In the Gallup poll, support for allowing undocumented immigrants to become U.S. citizens has risen eight points to 78 percent – though that's a bit lower than the 84 percent in 2016. The percentage of Republicans who support a path to citizenship has risen from 46 percent a year ago to 59 percent today. The Post's average of high-quality polls shows a clear deterioration in Trump's approval rating on immigration. In May, the average showed Americans evenly divided. The average so far in July shows 42 percent saying they approve and 54 percent disapproving. The protests that erupted in early June appear to be the catalyst for a reappraisal of Trump on immigration. Before the protests, his immigration approval rating was 49 percent positive, 49 percent negative. Since then, the average of the post-protests polls shows his standing at 42 percent positive, 54 percent negative. Before he was sworn in, public expectations for Trump were highest on the economy and immigration, according to a Washington Post-Schar School poll of swing state voters. In that survey, 62 percent said they expected Trump to do an 'excellent' or 'good' job on the economy and 59 percent said they thought he would do an 'excellent' or 'good' job on immigration. Also, 46 percent said they thought his presidency would help their finances, with 31 percent saying it would hurt them financially. Until the pandemic took hold in the spring of 2020, Trump enjoyed relatively strong ratings on the economy. Things deteriorated during the pandemic and judgments were about evenly divided just before the 2020 election. Today the public is dissatisfied with his economic performance. An Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs survey last week showed that 38 percent approved of his economic management and 60 percent disapproved. A Quinnipiac University poll put his economic approval numbers only slightly better: 43 percent approving, 55 percent disapproving. In the AP-NORC poll, nearly half (49 percent) said his policies have done more to hurt them than help them. About 1 in 4 (27 percent) said they have done more to help them. The rest said the policies have not made a difference. A majority said the new tax bill will do more to help the wealthy and that it will hurt people with lower incomes. In the Quinnipiac poll, 40 percent said they approved of his handling of trade, with 56 percent disapproving. Predictions that Trump's tariffs will trigger a major new bout of inflation have not been borne out, though all the tariffs are not in place. The Federal Reserve has been cautious about cutting interest rates because of the uncertainty around the tariffs. Trump continues to badger Federal Reserve Chair Jerome H. Powell, whom he would like replaced, to cut those rates substantially. Many economists say a cut of the size Trump wants would risk an inflationary spike. There's history to buttress those concerns. In 1972, President Richard M. Nixon pressured Fed Chair Arthur F. Burns, and the subsequent loosening of monetary policy helped unleash an inflationary rise. Trump continues to accumulate power in the presidency and exercise it to change government and major institutions. He plays a dominant role in the world. But his six-month report card provides indications that the public hasn't fully bought into his program, warnings that he can't easily ignore.
NHK
6 days ago
- NHK
Trump slams supporters over report on conspiracy theory
US President Donald Trump has lashed out at some of his supporters, who are dissatisfied with a Justice Department report on a man who was acquainted with him and was charged with sex trafficking of girls. The man reportedly died by suicide in 2019 while in detention. But there is persistent speculation that a client list including famous people exists and he was actually killed to silence him. The Justice Department issued a report this month that concludes that he died by suicide and there is no client list. But some MAGA -- passionate Trump supporters -- are unconvinced by the report and are demanding the disclosure of more information. During the presidential election campaign last year, Trump called for looking into the conspiracy theory. But on Wednesday he denounced such people as "stupid." He said on social media that his past supporters accept the falsehoods and that he does not want their support anymore. A Reuters/Ipsos poll showed that 69 percent of respondents thought the government was hiding details about alleged clients. Reuters also reported that 17 percent approve Trump's handling of the case.
Tokyo Weekender
17-07-2025
- Tokyo Weekender
Sanseito, Explained: The Alarming Rise of Japan's Far-Right Movement
As Japan heads into another upper house election, an unexpected political force is gaining ground — and raising alarm bells. Sanseito, a once-obscure party known for its nationalist slogans and conspiratorial rhetoric, is polling unexpectedly high in national surveys. In a recent Kyodo News poll conducted from July 5–6, the party ranked second in proportional representation support, behind only the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). For a group that was initially dismissed as fringe, the rise is both dramatic and deeply concerning to many observers. With rhetoric that echoes Trumpism and European ultranationalism, it has become the most talked-about — and most unsettling — dark horse in Japanese politics. List of Contents: What Is Sanseito? Sohei Kamiya: Sanseito's Conspiracy-Touting Figurehead Behind Its Sudden Rise How Japan Is Reacting to Sanseito Related Posts What Is Sanseito? Founded in early 2020, as the COVID-19 pandemic was beginning to unfold, Sanseito initially gained attention for its divisive and inflammatory rhetoric, as well as its penchant for repeating conspiracy theories. The party vehemently opposed mask mandates, PCR testing, vaccine requirements and other public health measures and was openly anti-immigration. Its official platform prioritizes three pillars: education reform, health and food sovereignty and national defense. These seemingly innocuous issues conceal a far more disturbing worldview — a platform revolving around a hardline rejection of globalism and foreign influence. Under the banner of 'Japanese First,' the party pushes for sweeping immigration restrictions, strict limits on foreign land ownership and policies that frame outsiders as a threat to national security and cultural purity. Sanseito leaders reject internationalism, certain aspects of mainstream medicine, gender equality policies and what they see as the moral decay brought on by Western liberalism. Their COVID-19 stance was an early example of this strategy — their rhetoric at the time mixed pandemic denialism, anti-vaccine messaging and claims that global elites are using medicine and processed food to weaken Japan. Sohei Kamiya: Sanseito's Conspiracy-Touting Figurehead Like many nascent far-right movements, Sanseito has a charismatic figurehead known for divisive and conspiratorial outbursts: Sohei Kamiya, who was elected to the Diet's upper house, the House of Councillors, in 2022 on the party's proportional representation ticket. In the past few years, he's blamed gender equality for Japan's birthrate, dismissed older women as biologically irrelevant and spewed blatant anti-Semitism, to name a few. Before emerging as the head of Sanseito, Kamiya had a brief and largely unremarkable stint in mainstream politics, including a term on the city council for Suita, which is located in Osaka Prefecture, and an unsuccessful run as an LDP candidate in 2012. After his failed candidacy, he created a YouTube channel called Channel Grand Strategy, which quickly gained a following for its hardline nationalist content and conspiratorial tone. Through his channel, Kamiya positioned himself as a bold truth-teller railing against globalization, feminism, foreign influence and Japan's political elite. By 2020, he had amassed thousands of followers — followers who would become supporters when he and a group of fellow right-wingers formally founded Sanseito in April 2020. From the outset, Sanseito leaned heavily on YouTube and social media. This remains a core part of its strategy and appeal. The party's online presence serves as both a megaphone and a funnel: Free videos and livestreams draw in viewers with health tips, anti-vaccine rhetoric and nationalist talking points, but the 'real truth' is always said to be hidden behind paywalls. Followers are encouraged to become paying members — at rates far higher than those of traditional Japanese parties — in order to access members-only content, daily updates, regional chat groups and even 'leadership training.' While the Liberal Democratic Party charges around ¥4,000 for a year, Sanseito demands ¥1,000 per month for regular membership and ¥2,500 for premium access. This model accomplishes two things simultaneously. First, it creates a tight-knit ideological echo chamber, giving members a sense of belonging and insider knowledge while isolating them from outside criticism. Second, it generates significant revenue. These membership fees, multiplied across tens of thousands of recruits, have built a war chest that outpaces even established parties, all while maintaining the illusion of grassroots legitimacy. Behind Its Sudden Rise There are several factors behind the rise of Sanseito, many of them familiar-feeling to those who've watched far-right movements mobilize overseas. For decades, Japan's stagnant wages, aging population and growing inequality have bred quiet despair. Conventional parties like the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP) are widely viewed as corrupt, stale and incapable of offering real change. Into this void stepped Sanseito. According to international political analyst Yuya Watase , a Sanseito founding member who left the party after becoming disillusioned with its policies, the party's success stems from doing what no other party in Japan bothers to do: actually building a membership base. In essence, Sanseito mirrors the populist playbooks seen elsewhere: Trump's Republican Party, Brexit-era UKIP and France's National Rally. The ideological content varies, but the mechanics — direct communication, emotional narrative and institutional distrust — are strikingly similar. How Japan Is Reacting to Sanseito Sanseito's rise has triggered a wave of nervousness across Japan. Eight major human rights NGOs, including Solidarity Network with Migrants Japan, issued a joint statement condemning Sanseito's slogan 'Japanese First' as hate speech. The statement warned that exclusivist politics, which view 'foreign nationals and people of foreign origin as enemies,' are rapidly spreading through society. Over 260 signatories have since signed in solidarity. Public pushback is growing in more creative forms, too. In Shinjuku, activists recently held a protest ' rave against racism ,' where chants of 'don't vote for Sanseito!' rose from the crowd. For now, Sanseito's presence is limited: As of July 2025, it holds just two seats in the 248-member House of Councillors, three in the 465-member House of Representatives and three in the 127-member Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly. Its influence, however, is outsized. The party has shown it doesn't need major representation to shape the political conversation and has, indeed, seen over 140 members elected to prefectural and municipal assemblies. The threat isn't that Sanseito will take control of the Diet overnight; it's that the party is gradually redrawing the boundaries of what's politically acceptable — what can be said, proposed and believed. Its real impact lies in the way its worldview bleeds into the mainstream. And this isn't just about one party. Sanseito didn't emerge in isolation, and its rise may embolden members of larger parties to echo more hardline, nationalist positions. Already, we've seen a shift: mainstream politicians hardening their stance on immigration, leaning into rhetoric around 'traditional values' and 'Japanese uniqueness.' What once sounded fringe is becoming part of the debate. Japan is not immune to the forces behind Trumpism, Brexit or the rise of Le Pen. Sanseito is a reflection of that. The question now is whether Japan's civil society, media and institutions are ready to respond before these shifts become entrenched. Related Posts Why Japanese Leftists Are Using Melonpan to Mock Sanseito Sanseito Leader Says 'Japanese First Approach Is Not Based on Xenophobia' Japanese Government Launches New Office To Deal With Unruly Foreigners
