Woxsen University Claims Its Spot Among India's Best Universities in Outlook-ICARE Rankings 2025
Hyderabad (Telangana) [India], August 4: Woxsen University has achieved significant recognition in the Outlook-ICARE Rankings 2025, securing Rank #7 among All-India State Private Universities and Rank #3 in Practice-Integrated Multi-Disciplinary Universities. These rankings affirm Woxsen's standing as one of India's most forward-thinking and impactful institutions in higher education.
Woxsen's rise in the national rankings is attributed to its academic model, which integrates classroom learning with real-world application, global perspectives, and cross-disciplinary collaboration. The university continues to pioneer new approaches to education, focusing on experiential learning, research-led teaching, and strong industry engagement.
Woxsen University offers an education that is rigorous, relevant, and future-ready--shaped by a strong academic foundation, industry alignment, and a global perspective. The university's emphasis on innovation, entrepreneurship, and leadership development that ensures its graduates are well-prepared to thrive in dynamic global environments.
The Outlook-ICARE Rankings 2025 serve as a strong validation of Woxsen's commitment to academic excellence, global relevance, and a purpose-driven educational ecosystem. As the university continues to grow its influence nationally and internationally, this recognition marks another key milestone in its journey.
About Woxsen University, Hyderabad:
Woxsen University, located in Hyderabad, is one of the first private universities in the state of Telangana, India. Renowned for its 200-acre state-of-the-art campus and infrastructure, Woxsen University offers new-age, disruptive programs in the fields of Business, Technology, Arts & Design, Architecture, Law, and Liberal Arts & Humanities. Woxsen also houses Asia's largest Sports Infrastructure, spread over 60 acres. With 170+ Global Partner Universities and a strong industry connect, Woxsen is recognized as one of the top universities for Academic Excellence and Global Edge. Woxsen has also secured the QS Business Masters World Ranking 2025, Rank #9 All India, Top 100 B-Schools by Times B-School Ranking 2025, Rank #6, Asia Pacific, Bloomberg Best B-School, and features in India's Best B-Schools beyond IIMs by Dalal Street Investment Journal 2025, in 4th consecutive year. Woxsen is ranked as one of the Top Professional Colleges in India by Outlook I-CARE for its undergraduate programs, securing All India Rank 12 among the Top 130 BBA Private Institutes, All India Rank 20 among the Top 160 B.Tech Private Institutes, All India Rank 3 among the Top 25 Design Private Institutes, and All India Rank 3 among the Top 30 B.Arch Private Institutes.
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News18
2 hours ago
- News18
Decoding Modi's Indo-Pacific Strategy: How Ties With Philippines Have Grown
Written By : The timing of Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr's visit is significant, as the two countries conduct their first joint maritime exercise in the contested South China Sea Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr arrived in India on Monday afternoon, commencing a landmark five-day state visit that exemplifies the transformation of India-Philippines relations under Prime Minister Narendra Modi's leadership. Welcomed by Minister of State for External Affairs Pabitra Margherita at Palam Air Force Station, Marcos's arrival coincides with the 75th anniversary of diplomatic ties and marks the first visit by a Filipino president to India since 2007. The timing is particularly significant, as Indian Navy warships conduct their first-ever joint maritime exercises with Philippine forces in the contested South China Sea. This historic visit reflects Modi's outreach to the Philippines since 2014, focusing on a broader Indo-Pacific vision that combines economic partnerships with security cooperation, moving beyond traditional alliance structures to embrace strategic autonomy. The bilateral relationship showcases Modi's multi-alignment strategy, demonstrating how maritime security cooperation, defence technology transfer, and trade expansion can advance India's pragmatic approach to regional leadership while maintaining strategic independence from great power rivalries. Modi's announcement of the Act East Policy in November 2014 at Myanmar's ASEAN Summit marked a decisive shift in India's approach to Southeast Asia. Unlike the economically focused Look East Policy of 1992, the Act East framework embodied a comprehensive strategy encompassing security, defence, and strategic dimensions alongside commercial interests. This transformation proved particularly significant for the Philippines' relations, which had remained relatively dormant despite seven decades of diplomatic ties established in 1949. The timing of this strategic pivot proved prescient. China's increasing assertiveness in the South China Sea created space for India to position itself as a balancing power committed to maritime security and a rules-based order. The Act East Policy enabled Modi to leverage India's growing economic strength and defence capabilities to establish meaningful partnerships with ASEAN nations, particularly those facing maritime security challenges. The policy's implementation demonstrated Modi's understanding that effective regional leadership required moving beyond traditional diplomatic rhetoric to concrete action. The transformation from 'Look" to 'Act" signalled India's readiness to assume greater responsibilities in regional security architecture while maintaining its strategic autonomy. This approach laid the foundations for the comprehensive partnership now evident in Marcos's visit, where defence cooperation, economic integration, and strategic coordination converge in a single diplomatic engagement. BREAKTHROUGH: THE 2017 MANILA VISIT Modi's November 2017 visit to Manila was a watershed moment in bilateral relations, marking the first visit by an Indian Prime Minister to the Philippines in 36 years. The visit occurred during the 15th ASEAN-India Summit and 12th East Asia Summit, providing an optimal platform for Modi to demonstrate India's commitment to multilateral engagement. The Manila visit served multiple strategic purposes. It reinforced India's position within ASEAN frameworks at a time when the grouping was celebrating its 50th anniversary and marking 25 years of ASEAN-India dialogue partnership. The visit enabled Modi to engage directly with the Philippines' leadership on shared concerns about maritime security and regional stability. Modi's bilateral meeting with then-President Rodrigo Duterte established personal rapport between the leaders and laid the groundwork for enhanced cooperation across multiple sectors. The visit also included engagement with the Indian diaspora and business community, reflecting Modi's comprehensive approach to relationship-building that extends beyond government-to-government ties. Modi's presence in Manila alongside leaders from the United States, China, and Russia demonstrated India's emerging status as a major regional player capable of engaging multiple powers simultaneously. THE BRAHMOS PARADIGM The January 2022 BrahMos missile deal represents perhaps the most concrete manifestation of Modi's pragmatic approach to regional partnerships. The $375 million agreement made the Philippines India's first international customer for the advanced supersonic cruise missile system, marking a significant milestone in India's defence export ambitions. Marcos's current visit occurs as the Philippines signals interest in acquiring additional Indian defence systems, including more BrahMos batteries and Akash missile systems. The BrahMos system's specifications — 290-km range, Mach 2.8 speed, and versatility across sea, land, and air platforms — provided the Philippines with a credible deterrent capability in the context of South China Sea tensions. For India, the deal demonstrated the maturation of its defence manufacturing capabilities and willingness to transfer advanced technology to strategic partners. The first batch delivery in April 2024 via Indian Air Force transport aircraft was followed by the sea-based delivery of the second batch. MARITIME SECURITY COOPERATION The August 2025 joint naval exercises between India and the Philippines in the South China Sea marked a qualitative shift from diplomatic engagement to operational cooperation. The bilateral maritime cooperative activity, conducted near the strategically significant Scarborough Shoal, demonstrated both nations' commitment to upholding freedom of navigation and challenging assertive territorial claims. The exercises began just as Marcos departed Manila for Delhi. Unlike previous Passing Exercises (PASSEX), the recent joint exercise demonstrated India's willingness to conduct operations in contested waters. The exercise also aligned with India's MAHASAGAR vision, which emphasises maritime cooperation as a cornerstone of regional stability. Moreover, the establishment of Track-1 Maritime Dialogue mechanisms and regular port visits by Indian naval vessels to the Philippines are signals of deeper institutionalised cooperation aimed at a long-term strategic partnership. TRADE EXPANSION AND INVESTMENT Modi's Philippines strategy achieved remarkable economic success, with bilateral trade growing from $1.89 billion in 2015-16 to $3.53 billion in 2023-24—an 86.6% increase. India maintains a consistent trade surplus, exporting $2.10 billion whilst importing $1.43 billion in 2023-24. Key sectors include pharmaceuticals, where India supplies 12-16% of Philippine imports, plus engineering goods and automotive components. Investment depth reflects genuine integration. Indian companies, including TCS, Infosys, and major pharmaceutical firms, established significant Philippine operations worth $5 billion. Philippine companies like AC Energy reciprocated with strategic Indian investments. Marcos's visit agenda includes business meetings in Delhi and Bengaluru, targeting further expansion. REGIONAL LEADERSHIP AND ENGAGEMENT India's humanitarian aid during Philippine natural disasters, COVID-19 assistance, and capacity-building through the ITEC programme—training over 1,000 Filipino professionals—reflects comprehensive engagement. Cultural ties include 8,800 Indian students in Philippine medical colleges and a 70,000-strong diaspora. The Philippines' role as ASEAN-India Dialogue Coordinator (2024-2027) provides Modi a crucial partner for advancing regional agendas. This coincides with India's 2026 BRICS chairmanship, creating multilateral cooperation opportunities. Modi's ASEAN engagement during Brazil's BRICS Summit, including FTA discussions with Malaysia's Prime Minister, demonstrated this approach. top videos View all President Marcos Jr's arrival today, accompanied by joint South China Sea naval exercises, represents the culmination of Modi's systematic India-Philippines transformation since 2014. From the Act East Policy announcement to a comprehensive partnership worth over $3.5 billion annually, this relationship exemplifies strategic autonomy in practice. The BrahMos deal, trade expansion, and naval cooperation demonstrate how shared strategic interests translate into concrete partnerships enhancing both nations' security and prosperity. As Indian warships patrol contested waters alongside Philippine forces whilst leaders chart new cooperation pathways, this approach reflects Modi's understanding that effective 21st-century regional leadership requires balanced relationships, pursuing national interests through mutually beneficial partnerships rather than zero-sum competition. About the Author Sohil Sinha Sohil Sinha is a Sub Editor at News18. He writes on foreign affairs, geopolitics along with domestic policy and infrastructure projects. tags : the philippines view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: August 05, 2025, 08:00 IST News opinion Opinion | Decoding Modi's Indo-Pacific Strategy: How Ties With Philippines Have Grown Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
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First Post
2 hours ago
- First Post
Despite chatter, PM Modi unlikely to attend China's World War II victory parade, 5 reasons
Prime Minister Narendra Modi is unlikely to attend China's World War II Victory Day parade as gaps outweigh recent signs of a thaw in India-China relations read more Despite some speculation and suggestions, it appears increasingly unlikely that Prime Minister Narendra Modi will attend China's World War II Victory Day parade scheduled for early September in Beijing. While bilateral relations between India and China have experienced a tentative thaw, multiple diplomatic, strategic and domestic considerations stand in the way of such a high-profile appearance. 1. Improved ties, but not enough yet India and China have indeed shown signs of recalibration in their strained ties. Recent months have seen a flurry of diplomatic engagement, including visits by External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and National Security Adviser Ajit Doval to China. In response, Beijing's resumption of pilgrimages to Tibet and New Delhi restoring visa services for Chinese nationals signal a cautious detente. However, caution is the key word against overinterpreting these developments. Ivan Lidarev, a visiting fellow at the Institute of South Asian Studies in Singapore, points out to South China Morning Post that while ties have improved, they have not reached a point where Prime Minister Modi's participation in a Chinese military event would be politically or diplomatically appropriate. Such a visit would be viewed as more than ceremonial—it would symbolise a radical diplomatic shift that current circumstances do not support. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD 2. Trade tensions and mistrust still simmer Bilateral trade between the two Asian giants surpassed $127 billion last year, but the economic relationship remains uneven and frequently contentious. India continues to express concern over what it sees as 'trade weaponisation' by China—ranging from export curbs on key inputs like rare earth magnets and fertilisers to trans-shipment and dumping practices that hurt Indian industries, the BBC reports. China's restriction on rare earth exports in particular has alarmed Indian manufacturing sectors, which rely heavily on these materials for automobiles, appliances and clean energy technologies. As former diplomat Phunchok Stobdan points out to BBC, such moves by Beijing are viewed in New Delhi as economic coercion aimed at pressuring India strategically. These unresolved frictions diminish the feasibility of Modi endorsing a military celebration that could be seen as legitimising China's broader geopolitical posture. 3. Why endorsement of China's military narrative is a red line The nature of China's World War II Victory Day parade—commemorating its triumph over Japan—is itself diplomatically charged. For India, a Quad partner with Japan, Australia and United States, attending such an event could be interpreted as aligning with China's historical and strategic worldview. This would carry particular weight in China's case, given its border claims over Indian territory and continued strategic cooperation with Pakistan. During Operation Sindoor in May, China's active help to Pakistan, which used Chinese-made J-10C fighter jets in the military clash with India, has only deepened suspicions in New Delhi. This does not align with India's approach either diplomatically or militarily. 4. Domestic interests prevail For Prime Minister Modi, India's domestic interests rank way incomparably above attendance at a Chinese state parade. Complicating matters further is the fluid state of global diplomacy, particularly with United States under President Donald Trump's second term. Trump's erratic overtures—such as his self-proclaimed mediation during the India-Pakistan clash and overt friendliness toward the Pakistani military—have left India feeling vulnerable and recalibrating its strategic autonomy. Prime Minister Modi's foreign policy in recent years has sought to balance ties with major powers, maintaining India's traditional non-alignment while leveraging partnerships where necessary. Appearing at a parade also attended by Russian President Vladimir Putin and possibly key Pakistani leaders could be interpreted as aligning with a China-Russia axis—something India is unlikely to embrace when its Quad ties and economic negotiations with the West remain critical. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD 5. A calculated distance While the SCO summit in Tianjin at the end of August may offer a more acceptable venue for diplomatic engagement, a front-row seat at a military parade in Beijing is another matter entirely. Attending it would risk misinterpreting India's strategic intent and strain ties with critical partners like Japan and US. For now, Prime Minister Modi is more likely to reaffirm India's independent stance through measured diplomatic gestures. The global order is still in the flux under the impact of US President Donald Trump-induced trade and tariff wars. Trump's off the cuff remarks on serious issues of diplomacy, geostrategy and global economy have further complicated the international order. Each country is trying to readjust its policies with the US and the rest of the top powers. India-China ties too are going through a phase of recalibration. PM Modi's speculated visit, if becomes a reality, would give a finality in India's shift in its China policy, but the government has not given any such concrete signal yet.
Mint
2 hours ago
- Mint
Seven in 10 Indians now scroll past digital ads as fatigue soars: Report
Mumbai: Seven in ten Indian consumers are mentally tuning out digital advertisements by skipping, muting, or ignoring them altogether, as fatigue mounts, according to a new India-focused research report. India now ranks third globally in ad fatigue, behind only the US and Australia, according to the report titled 'The Untapped Opportunity of Omnichannel' prepared by The Trade Desk, a US-based tech platform that allows advertisers to buy digital ad space. It is not the volume of ads that's causing this fatigue, but their inability to strike a chord and connect with consumers. Indian users spend nearly nine hours a day across more than five media channels, from OTT and CTV (connected TV) to mobile, display, audio, and gaming, but most ad campaigns still run on fewer than three platforms, often with little coordination. The same creatives are shown repeatedly on one channel, while others remain underused or poorly timed, the report said. 'This is not a media saturation problem, it's a planning problem,' Tejinder Gill, managing director, The Trade Desk India, told Mint on the eve of the report release. 'Most marketers are still executing multichannel campaigns in silos. Omnichannel isn't just about presence across media, it's about precision, sequencing and connection.' The report argues that traditional multichannel campaigns, while broader in reach, often lead to messaging gaps, duplicated exposure, and wasted media spend. In contrast, omnichannel campaigns - those that coordinate media and creative across multiple channels with unified buying and frequency control - are shown to be 2.2 times less fatiguing and 1.5 times more persuasive. When five or more channels are orchestrated together, return on investment (ROI) improves by as much as 77%, and cost per acquisition drops by up to 30%. Two in three Indian consumers say they feel more positive about a brand when they see a consistent message across channels. About 70% are more likely to remember brands that advertise this way. The study introduces a framework called 'Mindsets, Moments and Media,' aimed at helping brands design campaigns aligned with the way consumers move through their day. For example, a podcast during a morning commute might catch a user in a 'get in the zone' mindset. At lunchtime, the same user might be looking to 'help me decide,' and by evening, shift to a 'develop my interests' mindset while watching a cooking show or OTT content. The goal is not just to reach users where they are—but to meet them with messages that match their mental state, context, and channel of choice. One example cited in the report is a campaign by a leading alco-bev brand that used a combination of digital, out-of-home, video, and display ads to reach nightlife-goers. Using behaviour and location data, the brand re-targeted users with creatives tailored to different moments and channels. The campaign led to over two million store visits, and users exposed to all three touchpoints converted 57% faster than those who saw ads on just one. Digital audio is one of the most underused formats despite high engagement. While 75% of Gen Z streams music and 59% of millennials report increased podcast listening, marketers remain hesitant to allocate meaningful budgets. Yet, 86% of audio listening involves moderate to high attention, and 66% of listeners recall audio ads, according to the report. CTV and OTT adoption is also rising in cities beyond metros. About 72% of Indian users now watch ad-supported streaming content, and 73% say they've discovered new brands while doing so. Two-thirds trust ads on CTV/OTT platforms, with the younger audiences in particular perceiving them as more premium than social media formats. Despite these behavioural shifts, most marketers are still using fragmented tools and operating within siloed structures. Many media, creative, and data teams work on different timelines and priorities, making it difficult to build consistent, sequenced storytelling across touchpoints, Gill said. He said that the real challenge is not just infrastructure, but mindset. 'You don't have to overhaul your entire media strategy overnight. Even connecting two platforms and running a small pilot can make a difference. The key is getting teams to collaborate and move toward audience-first planning, not channel-first execution.' With audiences becoming harder to track and easier to lose, the report warns that disconnected media buying will only amplify fatigue and reduce returns. As attention splinters and expectations rise, brands will need to build connected experiences, or risk being scrolled past, skipped, or forgotten.
