A city-by-city look at U.S. forecasts for the Fourth of July
The hottest spots should include portions of the Midwest, South and Southwest. Readings top out in the 90s and 100s in those locations.
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USA Today
an hour ago
- USA Today
Beyoncé ignites Atlanta on second night of 'Cowboy Carter' tour
Beyoncé Knowles-Carter delivered her "Cowboy Carter" tour for a second night in Atlanta — another high-voltage spectacle packed with power and purpose. The Grammy-winning singer kicked off her July 11 show at Mercedes-Benz Stadium in Atlanta around 8:42 p.m. local time. The concert marked her second of four shows at the stadium on her Cowboy Carter and the Rodeo Chitlin' Circuit Tour. She's set to hit the stage again July 13 and 14. 'Atlanta, thank you so much for being here tonight and welcome!' Beyoncé greeted the charged crowd as she took the stage. 'I want to say thank you to everyone who has been loyal to me for more than 25 years.' The ATL stop — Bey's last Southern stop — comes after Beyoncé delivered two dazzling concerts at Northwest Stadium in Landover, Maryland — five miles east of Washington, D.C. The first show fell on the Fourth of July, with the follow-up performance taking place July 7. The holiday made for an especially significant night given the messages and motifs pertaining to country music, America's complex past and its ongoing cultural reckoning. As fans know, Beyoncé first debuted her "Cowboy Carter" tour at SoFi Stadium in Los Angeles on April 28 with 39 songs on the set list. Her shows have been filled with family, fashion, different music genres, and most notably country music and cultural commentary. The second Atlanta concert was no exception, continuing the trend with signature style and powerful messages. THAT KEY? THE CROWD?? THE WAY SHE GAGGED??? THIS IS SO ICONIC😭😭🥹 One fan wrote, "the energy that Atlanta has for Beyoncé simply is unmatched. the love is so deep, truly no other city comes close." And that energy was undeniable, radiating through the stadium all night long. At one point, the crowd erupted into a prolonged cheer, prompting Beyoncé to pause, visibly moved as she took it all in. Of course, Beyoncé's tour has also been a huge showcase of fashion and creativity. Each night, Beyoncé continues to blend high fashion and cowboy couture, keeping fans on the edge of their seats as they anticipate a new look. There's been many looks incorporating Western-glam: sparkly chaps, cowboy hats, boots and piles of fringe. Friday's show continued this tradition. The "Cowboy Carter" creator wasn't just deliberate about showcasing her own looks. During the show, she also made sure to spotlight her fans' too, proving that fashion is central to the spectacle she creates, not just an accessory to the music. While gliding above the crowd on a high-rise horseshoe, Beyoncé took a moment to shout out her fans: 'Y'all look so incredible. Y'all are dressed down!' The show, of course, was filled with music but also layered with messages about country music, America's history, and the plight and triumph of Black and brown people. Somehow, Beyoncé managed to turn those teaching moments into a joyful, family-filled celebration — complete with mommy-daughter kisses, standout choreography and more heartwarming moments from her children, 8-year-old Rumi Carter and 13-year-old Blue Ivy Carter. The nine-city tour has spanned the U.S. and Europe with the grand finale set for July 26 in Las Vegas. Follow Caché McClay, the USA TODAY Network's Beyoncé Knowles-Carter reporter, on Instagram, TikTok and X as @cachemcclay.
Politico
an hour ago
- Politico
How the GOP Regulars Won Over Donald Trump
The last month has been the most successful stretch of Donald Trump's return to the White House, but it has been a rough spell for the JD Vance and Steve Bannon wing of the Republican Party. Projecting American force against the country's traditional adversaries in concert with U.S. allies and signing a tax bill that nearly could have been written by the Wall Street Journal editorial page, Trump demonstrated that the GOP still defaults to a muscular abroad and business-friendly at home posture. Yes, the party's coalition is changing, but its DNA hasn't — at least not yet. Trump's bold attack on Iran, support of Israel, newfound backing for arming Ukraine against Russia and rejection of raising corporate or top-earner tax rates should be both humbling and instructive for the party's populists and isolationists. 'Most Republicans know voters support them to cut taxes and keep you safe,' said Josh Holmes, a longtime GOP strategist. 'We may have gotten muddy on a lot else, but this is the most consistent dividing line between the two parties: Taxes and security offer a pretty clear choice, and it's the fundamental advantage Republicans have with the center of the electorate.' No, the president didn't overnight become some orange-hued love child of Paul Wolfowitz and Arthur Laffer. Is there anything more Peak Trump than signing a massive tax bill locking in individual and corporate rates while most Americans are celebrating the Fourth of July and then spending the following week, as voters re-engage, dashing off capital letter-laden missives threatening tariffs around the world? Trumpism, it can't be said enough, is not an ideological project but rather Donald Trump garnering big, beautiful wins as he defines them. The president last month memorably said that he defines what's America First, and the last few weeks have been a vivid demonstration of that, on domestic and foreign policy. Yet I'd go one step further. It's Trump himself — and the enemies he's made — that mainly animates his coalition, not any set of policy issues. In fact, Trump's cult of personality is so strong it distorts more than defines the party's platform, a reckoning that will only come in full once he's gone. Yet this is why so much of the commentary and curiosity about why he didn't use the bill to better cater to his working-class voters misses the point. The appeal of Trump for so many is not what he'll deliver but what he's opposing, namely the real and perceived excesses of the left (see Harris, Kamala, and trans ad). Much of this is based on vibes — we don't have to walk on eggshells in the workplace any longer! — but his substantive allure is based far more on backlash and identity than the promise of material gain. Look no further than how Vance pitched the so-called big, beautiful bill to working-class voters in the final days before it cleared Congress. He couldn't trumpet higher rates, a massively expanded child tax credit or protecting Medicaid recipients, so he focused on the money included for immigration enforcement. Again, it's not that Trump suddenly became a traditional Republican — it's that he follows the direction of success and is ever up for grabs. And there are still more people in his ear pushing party orthodoxy. That starts with Congress, where both chambers are led by traditional, pre-Trump Republicans. Yes, they made sure the bill included the president's campaign trail promises, such as limiting taxes on tips and overtime. But they sunset those provisions while making permanent business rates, reducing estate tax exposure and expensing the depreciation of business property. Further, every time Trump mused about a wealth surtax, or there were leaks about said musings, a number of GOP lawmakers would push back. When he first floated the prospect, I'm told, Senate Republicans told him the voters weren't there for higher rates. When Trump pushed again, the lawmakers told him any increase would have to be adopted as an amendment on the Senate floor — and it would be done with a majority of Democrats. It wasn't just congressional Republicans, though. Grover Norquist, the anti-tax evangelist, told me that he and his allies were quick to get in touch with the White House in response to every tax-hike hint. 'Three times people pushed the president to be for higher rates and each time it got knocked down,' Norquist said, faulting 'munchkins inside the White House' and, more directly, the populist thinker, Oren Cass, who's close to Vance Norquist and former Speaker Newt Gingrich, speaking to Trump separately, appealed to him on political grounds. They recalled the long history of Republican campaigns and the delicacy of the tax issue — Trump was most moved by George H.W. Bush's 1992 defeat after reneging on his no-new-taxes promise — but were also blunt about a more recent election. 'In my experience, he always listens,' Gingrich said of Trump. 'He doesn't always obey, but he always listens — and then he talks to 25 other people.' The former speaker said that the roster also included such figures as longtime supply-side believer Larry Kudlow. 'It was all the usual suspects who had been involved since Reagan and understand the true faith and thought [George H. W. Bush] committed suicide politically,' said Gingrich. Norquist also sent Trump and top White House aides a barrage of video and clips, detailing how many times Trump promised on the campaign trail to cut taxes and the many pro-Trump groups that were opposed to higher rates, most notably those representing small businesses that file as individuals rather than corporations, the so-called S Corps. 'These are the people in every small and mid-sized town who run their own businesses, hire the kids in town, and you're going to whack them or let somebody talk you into whacking them?' said Norquist. But the anti-tax crusader said he was never nervous about higher rates because there was always a backstop: 'The House and Senate were never going to do it.' This is in part because the bulk of them have signed Norquist's no-tax-hike pledge, which remains one of the first steps many Republican candidates for any office take upon filing their paperwork. And that gets to the heart of the issue: For all the attention Bannon draws, how many divisions has The War Room? Or, in current terms, how many congressional votes does he control? The center of gravity in the congressional GOP is still with party regulars who are no more going to raise taxes than they're going to go vegan. If you can't pick Jerry Moran and John Boozman out of a lineup, you're not grasping who still shapes the party, certainly in the Senate. Do the regulars support tariffs? No, they despise them and hope to back-channel and leverage Trump enough to mitigate their impact. Do they support Stephen Miller's immigration policy of deporting otherwise non-criminal illegal immigrants? They're uneasy about it but recognize the politics of migration has shifted in their party. Yes, Trump has changed the party. But there are still some red lines the old guard won't cross, and taxes are one of them. The president's recent tilt on national security is just as instructive. In less than two months, Trump went from pointedly skipping an Israel stop on his Mideast tour, snubbing Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, to threatening the country with retaliation if they dare prosecute his friend Bibi. What changed? Well, the Israelis had great success bombing Iran, Trump witnessed the performance on television for days, decided to deploy American B-2s as well, and then was able to keep the two Mideast countries from continuing to attack one another. A tidy Trump win — he even called it the '12-Day War' — that involved only aerial assets and no ground troops. As with the tax bill, the bulk of those in his ear — and certainly the Fox News commentary he was taking in — were in favor of striking Iran. And once he did, these same actors were wise enough to let Trump claim credit and rushed to nominate him for the Nobel Peace Prize, ladling on the positive reinforcement. Voila, a hawk is made — never mind how quickly Trump would have run from Netanyahu if the initial Israeli strikes on Iran had been repulsed. Just as Bibi has learned to massage Trump, other foreign leaders are realizing how to go around the isolationists in his midst and sway the president directly. That Pentagon review of AUKUS, the U.S.-UK-Australia nuclear submarine accord? Once British Prime Minister Keir Starmer got Trump in private at the G-7 meeting last month, the two leaders said the program was moving ahead. Gee, I wonder if Starmer will reinforce his message when he and King Charles host the president in Great Britain this fall for Trump's full-dress state visit. That Pentagon effort to stymie the flow of defensive weapons to Ukraine? Well, after a few leaks and a one-on-one conversation between Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, the materiel was moving again. Trump's appointees at the Department of Defense were reduced to issuing a late-night press release saying as much once the commander-in-chief tuned into the issue. However, here's the good news for the populists and isolationists: None of this may endure beyond next week's installment of The Trump Show. To paraphrase Henry Kissinger's paraphrase, Trump craves no permanent friends or enemies, only big, beautiful wins.
USA Today
an hour ago
- USA Today
Superman star David Corenswet sees superhuman power in Eagles' QB Jalen Hurts
The star of the new Superman movie, David Corenswet, is an Eagles fan, and he believes Jalen Hurts has something on the Kryptonian. These have been some long weeks and weekends. Every Sunday without a Philadelphia Eagles game to watch seems longer than it should be. Thankfully, training camp and the preseason are around the corner. If you're like most, you've passed the time with some hoops and maybe some Philadelphia Phillies baseball. Who are we kidding, though? Nothing seems to fill that void that's been plaguing us since OTAs and mandatory minicamp ended. So, we shot off some fireworks on the Fourth of July, and a week later, on the 11th, we went to check out the new Superman movie. Perhaps you've heard. The star attended Lower Merion High School, just like our beloved Kobe Bryant. Superman may be stronger than a locomotive, but he'd rather Jalen Hurts run the Eagles' Tush Push. It's been quite the offseason. We saw a victory parade. The Tush Push divided the NFL before Jason Kelce testified, crushed Terry Pegula, and votes were cast to keep the infamous play active. David Corenswet plays everyone's favorite Kryptonian in the aforementioned Superman movie. Recently, he was asked a question. If the Eagles are facing a fourth-and-one scenario and need a yard, who needs to run the tush push? Jalen Hurts or Superman? It sounds like he's rocking with Hurts. There's nothing left to say after that. When the Man of Steel defers to the quarterback of the Philadelphia Eagles, it seems feasible to listen. Goodness gracious. Philadelphia's superhero, the regular season, and Week 1 vs. the Dallas Cowboys can't get here fast enough. Superman is playing in theatres if you need a tune-up to get ready.
