Fuel Shortages in Gaza at 'Critical Levels', UN Warns
"After almost two years of war, people in Gaza are facing extreme hardships, including widespread food insecurity, seven UN agencies cautioned in a joint statement.
"When fuel runs out, it places an unbearable new burden on a population teetering on the edge of starvation," the statement added.
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Asharq Al-Awsat
5 hours ago
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Iran Says it Would Resume Nuclear Talks with US if Guaranteed No Further Attacks
Iran's foreign minister said Saturday that his country would accept a resumption of nuclear talks with the US if there were assurances of no more attacks against it, state media reported. Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said in a speech to Tehran-based foreign diplomats that Iran has always been ready and will be ready in the future for talks about its nuclear program, but, 'assurance should be provided that in case of a resumption of talks, the trend will not lead to war.' Referring to the 12-day Israeli bombardment of Iran's nuclear and military sites, and the US strike on June 22, Araghchi said that if the US and others wish to resume talks with Iran, "first of all, there should be a firm guarantee that such actions will not be repeated. The attack on Iran's nuclear facilities has made it more difficult and complicated to achieve a solution based on negotiations.' Following the strikes, Iran suspended cooperation with the UN nuclear watchdog, which led to the departure of inspectors. Araghchi said that under Iranian law, the country will answer the agency's request for cooperation "case by case,' based on Iran's interests. He also said any inspection by the agency should be done based on Iran's 'security' concerns as well as the safety of the inspectors. 'The risk of proliferation of radioactive ingredients and an explosion of ammunition that remains from the war in the attacked nuclear sites is serious,' he said. "The risk of spreading radioactive materials and the risk of exploding leftover munitions ... are serious," he added. "For us, IAEA inspectors approaching nuclear sites has both a security aspect ... and the safety of the inspectors themselves is a matter that must be examined." He also reiterated Iran's position on the need to continue enriching uranium on its soil. US President Donald Trump has insisted that cannot happen. Israel claims it acted because Tehran was within reach of a nuclear weapon. US intelligence agencies and the International Atomic Energy Agency had assessed Iran last had an organized nuclear weapons program in 2003, though Tehran had been enriching uranium up to 60% — a short, technical step away from weapons-grade levels of 90%. Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian in an interview published Monday said the US airstrikes so badly damaged his country's nuclear facilities that Iranian authorities still have not been able to access them to survey the destruction.
Arab News
11 hours ago
- Arab News
Russian-North Korean cooperation at a critical juncture
Russia's Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov is currently visiting Pyongyang for high-level talks with North Korea's leader Kim Jong Un. The relationship between the countries has grown significantly in recent years, underscored by a defense alliance treaty signed last year. Article 4 of that treaty commits both countries to supporting one another in the event of foreign invasion. That clause has already been tested. After Ukrainian forces entered Russia's Kursk Oblast last September, North Korea answered Moscow's call for help by deploying thousands of troops to the region. Even before this treaty, though, Russia and North Korea shared a long history of defense and economic ties dating back to the Cold War and Soviet times. North Korea has supported Russia's war against Ukraine in two primary ways: manpower and materiel. In terms of manpower, more than 10,000 North Korean troops were sent to Kursk to help retake territory seized by Ukrainian forces in late 2024. This intervention came at a steep cost. Open-source intelligence estimates suggest about 4,000 North Korean soldiers were killed during the operation, approximately the size of a full brigade. These troops were drawn from North Korea's special forces and led by some of Kim's most trusted generals. Their rules of engagement included a brutal provision: they were ordered to kill themselves rather than be taken prisoner. This is why social media feeds have been filled with images and videos of deceased North Korean soldiers, while only a handful have been captured alive. According to senior Ukrainian officials, the North Korean forces performed poorly at first but quickly adapted. After suffering early losses, they learned fast on the battlefield, particularly in countering modern threats such drone attacks. By early this year, the assessment by Ukrainian troops was that many North Korean soldiers were more disciplined and better trained than their Russian counterparts. So far, however, North Korean soldiers have operated only inside Russian territory. They have not yet been involved in offensive operations on Ukrainian soil. North Korea's materiel support to Russia has also been extensive. From the early stages of the war, ballistic missiles manufactured in North Korea have been used by Russian forces to strike Ukrainian cities. Since the deployment of North Korean troops, additional artillery and multi-launch rocket systems from the country have been observed in use alongside Russian forces. North Korea has supported Russia's war against Ukraine in two primary ways: manpower and materiel. Luke Coffey But the most critical contribution has come in the form of artillery shells and manufacturing capabilities. In a war defined by the use of mass artillery, North Korea has helped fill a massive shortfall in supplies, with Russia reportedly firing tens of thousands of shells each week. North Korea's willingness to expend its stockpiles, and to manufacture new materiel for Russia, is not without risk. Pyongyang must always keep one eye on the Korean Peninsula, especially its adversary to the south. Yet Kim appears willing to accept this gamble in exchange for key benefits from Moscow. The most obvious question is therefore what is North Korea getting in return? Firstly, it is believed to be receiving advanced technology from Russia, especially in the form of strategic weapons. Open-source reporting indicates that Moscow has shared submarine-launched ballistic missile technology with Pyongyang, something that is of major importance to North Korea's long-term nuclear-deterrence strategy. Secondly, North Korea has reportedly received drone technology, including the designs and know-how for loitering munitions, such as the Russian Lancet and the Iranian-origin Shahed drone platform, which Moscow now produces under license. These drones have already changed battlefield dynamics in Ukraine and could similarly enhance North Korea's future capabilities. But beyond the materiel and technological gains, North Korea is also benefiting from the geopolitical implications of helping Russia. For Kim, the opportunity for his soldiers to gain real-world combat experience is, despite the high casualty rate, a rare opportunity. In a society such as North Korea's, in which public dissent is suppressed and military sacrifice is glorified, this is politically sustainable. Furthermore, Pyongyang's involvement in the conflict complicates the strategic picture for Washington. The US supports Ukraine and also maintains a strong military presence on the Korean Peninsula to deter North Korean aggression. Any steps Kim can take to increase the pressure on the US, either in Europe or Asia, serve his interests. Looking ahead, the future of Russian-North Korean cooperation will likely be high on Lavrov's agenda during his visit. Reports suggest that Pyongyang might be preparing to send as many as 30,000 additional troops to assist Moscow. This time, they might not be confined to defensive operations within Russian territory. If North Korean forces begin to participate in offensive operations inside Ukraine, it would mark a dangerous escalation. Even if the forces stop short of crossing into Ukraine, new deployments are expected. North Korea might send engineering troops with reconstruction expertise to help Russia rebuild damaged infrastructure in Kursk Oblast, for example. These forces could also assist in fortifying Russia's border with Ukraine, helping to build new defensive lines. One thing is clear: The Russian-North Korean relationship is likely to deepen further. North Korea's growing involvement in support of Russia's war in Ukraine is a stark reminder that global conflicts are increasingly interconnected. The security of Eastern Europe cannot be separated from the security dynamics of East Asia. This alignment between Moscow and Pyongyang presents a challenge not only for Ukraine, but for the broader international community. US President Donald Trump, who has made it a priority to pursue a negotiated settlement to the war, cannot ignore the role that North Korea is now playing. Any serious diplomatic strategy must factor in not only Russia's behavior but also its external enablers. The outcome of Lavrov's trip will determine how deeply both sides want to take their current relationship.
Arab News
11 hours ago
- Arab News
Netanyahu's inconsequential visit to Washington
It might have been naive to believe that the meeting in Washington this week between America's President Donald Trump and Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was going to lead to an announcement of a ceasefire agreement in Gaza between Israel and Hamas. After all, there have already been many false dawns. But having observed the terrible humanitarian tragedy that has unfolded in the territory over the past 21 months, who can blame any decent human being for hoping and praying for this nightmare to finally come to an end? It is for those who create the obstacles, or who are not using the full weight of their influence to stop this human suffering, to answer the question of what is preventing them from ending a war that no one is winning, and which is only causing immense hurt while harming the prospect of any future peace between the two peoples. Netanyahu arrived in the US in a very different state of mind compared with his previous visits since the war started. He was much more confident. He is now convinced that Israel's show of force in Iran, with Tehran's proxies considerably weakened, and his success in pulling in the US to participate in an attack on Iran's nuclear installations, have considerably elevated his status in Washington. Astonishingly, he also managed to drag Trump into an interfering role in the legal proceedings against him. The US president described Netanyahu's corruption trial a witch-hunt, which it most definitely is not, and even threatened to halt American aid to Israel if it was not brought to an immediate halt. The Israeli prime minister's visit to Washington was part of his attempts to secure his political survival and revival. Trump seemed to play his part, and even took part in a piece of grotesque theater in which Netanyahu presented him with a nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize. Trump, who previously pledged he would be 'very firm' with Netanyahu about ending the war in Gaza, on this occasion, and for no apparent reason, completely refrained from putting any pressure at all on the Israeli leader. While the immediate hopes for a ceasefire agreement were dashed, Israeli and Hamas negotiating teams were still engaged in proximity talks in Doha in an effort to resolve their differences, and Trump expressed cautious optimism when he declared that the negotiations to end the war in Gaza had been 'going along very well.' Israeli sources told journalists that 90 percent of outstanding issues have been resolved but the negotiations require more time. While the ability to reach an agreement on most issues is always a positive development, it ultimately means very little because in negotiations of this nature nothing is agreed until everything is agreed — and what remains unsettled includes those issues that are crucial to both sides, including an Israeli agreement to end the war, whether Israel will maintain a presence in the Gaza Strip, and whether the leadership of Hamas will be exiled. These sticking points will determine whether or not a ceasefire deal can be reached. Meanwhile, time is running out for the people of Gaza, and very quickly. Netanyahu's trip to Washington reflected his determination to remain in power, and possibly to avoid justice by derailing his corruption trial. Yossi Mekelberg What should obviously worry Gazans, and also those who believe in human rights and the rule of law, is that they have suffered immensely, even before the war began and immeasurably since. They have for months also been subjected to speculation about their possible removal from Gaza altogether. Other reports warn of the prospect of hundreds of thousands of them being pushed into the south of the territory. The very fact that the 'option' of a so-called 'voluntary migration' was even discussed with Netanyahu and his delegation in Washington is disturbing. The euphemisms of a 'humanitarian city' and 'voluntary migration' serve to sedate and deceive decent people around the world, or ease their consciences, when what is actually being suggested are most probably acts tantamount to horrendous war crimes on a huge scale. When Netanyahu says in Washington, 'If people want to stay, they can stay, but if they want to leave, they should be able to leave,' he is being disingenuous. Nearly two years of war have rendered Gaza almost uninhabitable, and instead of suggesting it be rebuilt, Israel's prime minister, with the support of the US, is saying that its residents might be better off going somewhere else. One cannot imagine a lower level of shamelessness to which this Israeli government might sink. When the war began this displacement was not one of Israel's objectives; it emerged as Israeli forces occupied most of the Gaza Strip, and then the extreme right wing in the country received a boost from Trump's misguided and tactless idea about rebuilding the territory as a 'Gaza riviera' — but not for the Palestinians. The timing of this Trump-Netanyahu summit, following the 12-day war against Iran last month, gave it a different flavor than previous meetings, as both leaders see themselves, not without reason, as victorious. The true extent of the damage to Iran's nuclear program is still unknown but one thing is not in question: Israel's initial military success, which gave its air force total freedom to operate in Iran, created the opportunity for Netanyahu to tempt Trump into getting involved to help, allegedly, finish the job using the kind of weaponry only the US possesses. On the one hand there is a sense in Washington that Netanyahu owes the American president for this assistance and should pay him back by showing more flexibility on the Palestinian issue. However, although Trump is not the type of person who ever believes he owes anyone anything, what Israel did in Iran actually gave him the chance to demonstrate determination and conviction as the US commander-in-chief and, within 24 hours, also to assert his authority by dictating to Israel that the war was over, to actually conclude it, and to suggest that decisions about the future of Iran's nuclear program should now move to the diplomatic sphere — thus becoming a peacemaker. Nevertheless, Trump has in mind a larger agenda: the expansion of the Abraham Accords to other countries within the region and beyond. But by now there is a recognition within his administration that this is not feasible without progress, firstly toward the end of war in Gaza and the reconstruction of the territory, and then to establish a genuine peace process between the Israelis and Palestinians that can lead to a two-state solution. Netanyahu and his government remain a major obstacle to this, albeit not the only one. The question now is what Trump will do. What is quickly becoming clear is that from Netanyahu's perspective the visit to Washington was part of the unofficial launch of his reelection campaign. The cracks in his coalition are growing but the war with Iran has enhanced his position in opinion polls. His trip to Washington reflected his determination to remain in power, and possibly to avoid justice by derailing his corruption trial. Trump and Netanyahu are not exactly soulmates but they do understand how they can serve each other's interests and personal ambitions. Sadly this will not necessarily help bring an end to the war in Gaza or restore regional stability.
