![[Yoo Choon-sik] Uncertainty rises as AI law decrees miss schedule](/_next/image?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwimg.heraldcorp.com%2Fnews%2Fcms%2F2025%2F07%2F06%2Fnews-p.v1.20250706.6242a3149f1140fbb7a84430839a0c1d_T1.jpg&w=3840&q=100)
[Yoo Choon-sik] Uncertainty rises as AI law decrees miss schedule
The National Assembly overwhelmingly passed the AI Basic Act — officially the Framework Act on the Development of Artificial Intelligence and Establishment of Foundation for Trust — in late December 2024. It took markets around the world by surprise, given that the country was quickly slipping into one of the worst political turmoils in years after then-President Yoon Suk Yeol's failed attempt to impose martial law triggered widespread unrest.
The subsequent promulgation of the law by the Cabinet Council in January this year also came as a surprise, given that the government was being run by an acting president.
The Ministry of Science and ICT said at that time that it would disclose draft versions of enforcement decrees and rules by the end of June for public comment so that they could be finalized early enough for companies and users alike to prepare for the January 2026 implementation of the law and ensure smoother compliance.
On the surface, the delay is understandable, given that President Lee Jae Myung, who is just over a month into his tenure, has yet to get his administration completely into shape. Lee started work without the usual transition period because the election was held to fill the presidency vacated by the forced removal of Yoon by the Constitutional Court after his impeachment a few months earlier.
However, companies are growing nervous as the period of darkness is extended regarding the subordinate legislation process, because they have to prepare strategies for what will emerge as one of the region's major markets for AI business opportunities, with limited clarity and time to act accordingly.
The delay also comes amid complaints among many stakeholders within and outside South Korea that the country, while enacting the law later than the European Union, will be the first jurisdiction in the world to implement regulatory obligations. The EU is not due to enforce its provisions until several months after South Korea shows its hand.
For instance, while South Korea's AI Basic Law is set to take effect in late January 2026, most regulatory provisions of the EU AI Act — such as those on high-risk systems, general-purpose models, governance, penalties and national authorities — are due to take effect from August 2026 in multiple steps, with staggered deadlines.
By the time South Korea's government and National Assembly hurriedly passed the law in late 2024, policymakers and industry experts alike thought having the law in place would help the country's AI companies doing business in major markets, where they expected authorities to introduce tough regulations.
However, earlier this year, the global AI policy landscape took a dramatic turn toward prioritizing the development of AI innovation, especially since the announcement by DeepSeek and other Chinese developers of the successful development of world-class AI systems.
Major countries including the United States, Britain, Canada and Germany have recently taken bold steps to foster AI development, with some of them explicitly shifting their policy stance away from regulation. This change in the global landscape has raised concerns that South Korea may have moved too hastily, locking itself into a regulatory-first approach.
Uncertainty is worse than anything
These concerns even led to the then-opposition Democratic Party of Korea — now the ruling party — proposing a revision bill in April to suspend regulatory provisions for three years, emphasizing that 'the AI-related trends in the US, the EU, and Japan, have been shifting away from regulation toward promotion and industry growth.'
There is no indication of the revision bill proceeding swiftly, with the leader of the proposing lawmakers acknowledging that the revision may not be approved quickly, according to media reports. However, these concerns apparently have prompted the Ministry of Science and ICT to seek ways to effectively delay full implementation of the bill's obligations to avoid stifling innovation.
'(The ministry) is considering introducing a grace period on the provision imposing fines for some time after the enforcement of the law so that there will be an effect similar to a delay in the regulatory measure,' the ministry recently told President Lee's state affairs planning committee, according to media reports published recently.
The ministry was referring to Article 43 of the law, stipulating that the Minister of Science and ICT could levy a fine of up to 30 million won ($22,000) for those in violation of obligations listed in Articles 31, 36, and 40. However, the same article delegates further details to a presidential decree, allowing flexibility in enforcement.
The planning team has been receiving briefings from the outgoing government's ministries, so this plan may still change when the new minister takes office. Bae Kyung-hoon, head of LG AI Research, was nominated to be the first minister of science and ICT under the Lee administration, but has yet to take office after confirmation hearings held last month.
All issues related to subordinate legislation also remain highly uncertain because Lee has yet to unveil how to implement his election pledges, including one to revamp the Presidential Committee on AI — launched in late 2024 by his predecessor to review and coordinate AI policy issues but inactive for several months, mainly due to the political turmoil of that period.
It remains to be seen how many of the tentative plans prepared by the outgoing government will be upheld by the Lee administration and how soon South Korea will clear the remaining uncertainty regarding some conflicting regulatory obligations between different laws and guidelines, experts said.
In stark contrast to the heightened uncertainty continuing, there is one thing that everyone agrees always makes sense: Uncertainty is worse than anything for the business world as well as for the investor sentiment toward South Korea, especially in the fast-moving domain of artificial intelligence.
Yoo Choon-sik worked for nearly 30 years at Reuters, including as the chief Korea economics correspondent, and briefly worked as a business strategy consultant. The views expressed here are the writer's own. — Ed.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Korea Herald
4 hours ago
- Korea Herald
Korean court rejects ex-leader Yoon's request to be freed
A South Korean court rejected ousted former President Yoon Suk Yeol's request to be freed from prison on Friday, Newsis news agency said, denying his argument that his detention during an investigation into his bid to impose martial law was unlawful. (Reuters)
![[Editorial] Mixed messages](/_next/image?url=https%3A%2F%2Fall-logos-bucket.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fkoreaherald.com.png&w=48&q=75)
Korea Herald
19 hours ago
- Korea Herald
[Editorial] Mixed messages
Seoul's fractured view on Pyongyang could sow strategic confusion amid rising tensions The notion of a country's main enemy — or 'jujeok' in Korean — is not just symbolic rhetoric. It is the fulcrum around which national defense policy, military readiness and diplomatic posture revolve. Yet the Lee Jae Myung administration's incoming ministers are offering strikingly divergent views on North Korea's status. In a region where miscalculation can lead to catastrophe, the lack of clarity is not a luxury South Korea can afford. During confirmation hearings this week, Unification Minister nominee Chung Dong-young described North Korea not as an enemy but as a 'threat.' Labor Minister nominee Kim Young-hoon echoed that assessment, distancing himself from the 'main enemy' label. By contrast, Defense Minister nominee Ahn Gyu-back offered a resolute view, stating that the North Korean regime and military are indeed South Korea's principal adversary. This inconsistency is not merely semantic. The designation of North Korea as South Korea's main enemy first appeared in the 1995 Defense White Paper under President Kim Young-sam, following the North's threats to turn Seoul into a 'sea of fire.' While subsequent governments shifted between hard-line and conciliatory stances, most notably under Roh Moo-hyun and Moon Jae-in, the Yoon Suk Yeol administration reinstated the enemy designation in 2022. Now, Seoul risks retreating from this stance just as Pyongyang has explicitly emphasized its own hostility. North Korean leader Kim Jong-un last year formally declared the South a 'primary foe,' rejecting unification and dismantling the inter-Korean reconciliation framework. Since then, the North has accelerated weapons development, severed communication channels and deepened military ties with Russia. To overlook these developments or downplay their implications is to misread the strategic environment. Chung's statements suggest the new administration may be preparing a significant policy pivot. He proposed suspending joint military drills with the United States as a confidence-building measure, citing the 2018 model. He also raised the idea of renaming the Ministry of Unification to the Ministry of the Korean Peninsula, a move he claims would signal flexibility. Yet such proposals, absent careful coordination or broad consensus, could project confusion rather than pragmatism. Strategic ambiguity has long characterized inter-Korean policy, but frequent shifts weaken credibility. South Korea's defense posture cannot oscillate with each political transition. Doing so emboldens adversaries and complicates coordination with allies, particularly Washington. North Korea has repeatedly exploited policy vacillations, alternating between provocation and dialogue to gain time for weapons advancement. Calls to revive the 2018 military accord — annulled by the North and later suspended by Seoul — underscore this risk. South Korea honored the agreement despite repeated violations by the North, including missile launches, GPS jamming and trash balloon campaigns. Restoring such an accord without preconditions could repeat a pattern of unreciprocated concessions. What is missing from the current debate is a sober reflection on the record of past engagement. Chung attributes the sinking of the ROKS Cheonan in 2010 and Yeonpyeongdo shelling to the Lee Myung-bak administration's hawkish posture, yet similar provocations occurred under liberal governments. North Korea has pursued escalation to secure leverage regardless of the South's tone. This is not to dismiss the value of diplomacy. Efforts to reduce tensions must continue, but only with a clear-eyed understanding of the other side's intentions. Engagement should be mutual, measured and anchored in deterrence. One-sided overtures, whether symbolic or substantive, can be as risky as belligerence. If the Lee government intends to revise its stance toward Pyongyang, it must do so with unity, transparency and strategic rationale. Fragmented messaging — especially on foundational concepts like the main enemy — undermines trust both at home and among allies. In a geopolitical landscape marked by intensifying tensions, Seoul cannot afford ambiguity in its security doctrine.


Korea Herald
a day ago
- Korea Herald
Lee, Turkish president agree to strengthen strategic partnership
President Lee Jae Myung and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on Thursday agreed to further strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries, the presidential office said. In the phone call, the two leaders assessed the close economic cooperation in areas such as trade and investment, and pledged to further expand practical collaboration in defense, arms, nuclear energy and green energy, presidential spokesperson Kang Yu-jung said in a written briefing. "I am pleased that our two countries have continued to develop relations based on the historic bond formed during the Korean War," Lee was quoted as saying. The Turkish leader congratulated Lee on taking office and paid tribute to the restoration of democracy in South Korea and the resilience of the Korean people, Kang added. (Yonhap)