
Starmer is acting like a 19th century colonialist
His name is Misley Mandarin, and he embodies a noble tradition of anti-colonial activism. He is not operating at the level of Gandhi. But the principle that underpins Mandarin's fight is the same powerful one that shaped independence movements in Asia and Africa in the 20th century: that people should have a say over the destiny of their homelands. It is as simple as that.
But this particular argument of Mandarin is completely deaf to a group of people who claim to stand up for progress and human rights: Keir Starmer's Labour Party and the wider Left. Why?
We have heard much talk, especially in the past five years, about the need for Britain to 'decolonise'. In principle this means that we confront our nation's colonial past and try to make amends for it.
In practice, it means an ostentatious display of self-loathing – in which our institutions, from museums and galleries to schools and universities, relentlessly promote a warped version of our history.
British history, according to this supposedly enlightened world view, is nothing more than a catalogue of racism and predatory colonialism; one damn oppression after another.
Colonialism is bad, they would concede. But if it's done by an African country, why should it be any of our business? We should focus on ourselves and the sins we have perpetrated (and continue to perpetrate) in the world rather than giving moral lecture to nations from 'the Global South'.
I remember the start of this decade, when this hysteria reached its apogee, and almost every bookshop I went to was full of lists about how British people (specifically white British people) could better educate themselves.
And yet, in a crystal-clear case of colonialism, all I see is ignorance and indifference. For Mandarin, who came to Britain 25 years ago, is mounting a legal challenge against the Labour Government over their transfer of his native land to Mauritius; in other words, he is agitating for these islands to not be the colonial property of this foreign nation.
'We are not Mauritian,' Mandarin told The Telegraph, 'we are Chagossian. The Government cannot lawfully decide our fate without us.'
He is not the only Chagossian passionately advocating against this transfer. Bernadette Dugasse and Bertrice Pompe, another two British citizens native to Chagos, launched a last-minute injunction at the High Court last month to stop the deal going through.
Pompe has said: 'The fight is not over. There is nothing in that treaty for Chagossians and we will fight.'
In fact, the Chagossians are invoking human rights law, the same kind of rhetoric that Starmer and his allies would be all too familiar with. Dugasse and Pompe will argue any agreement struck behind closed doors is not simply unjust, but also unlawful.
Starmer would say this issue is about protecting national security. And perhaps if Mauritius was not an ally of China this argument would have some credence. But weren't the Left meant to be the people who stood up for higher values over cynical realpolitik? Misley Mandarin is a hero. And I hope he succeeds in stopping the British Government and their reckless colonial actions.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Scotsman
18 minutes ago
- Scotsman
The former Edinburgh councillor drafted in to see off 'near existential threat' to Tories
Sign up to our daily newsletter – Regular news stories and round-ups from around Scotland direct to your inbox Sign up Thank you for signing up! Did you know with a Digital Subscription to The Scotsman, you can get unlimited access to the website including our premium content, as well as benefiting from fewer ads, loyalty rewards and much more. Learn More Sorry, there seem to be some issues. Please try again later. Submitting... Those of us who endured typing classes may remember hammering out 'Now is the time for all good men to come to the aid of the party', but it's more familiar as a cliché when it comes to political rescue jobs. Sir Keir Starmer may be looking out for anyone who might come to his aid and restore his reputation – men, women or guide dogs – after his Universal Credit and Personal Independence Payment Bill was gutted into pointlessness to stave off a crushing Commons defeat. So many U-turns, so much political capital burnt, his Chancellor in tears, and all he has to show for it is approval ratings plunging further into the red along with his government's balance sheet, and rebel MPs, notably Alloa MP Brian Leishman, emboldened to speak in terms which under normal circumstances would warrant summary expulsion. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad He is not alone in having his troubles to seek and, before this week's debacle, Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch was tying with him on minus 34 in pollster YouGov's approval ratings. His are unlikely to have improved, but Ms Badenoch might get a lift from doing what the Opposition is supposed to do: oppose and put the government under pressure. Former Edinburgh councillor Mark McInnes, who has just been appointed chief executive of the UK Conservative party, is one of the Tories' most effective political strategists | Jane Barlow Tories on track for 46 seats There is, of course, a long, long way to go, with YouGov's poll of 11,000 voters last week to mark the Labour government's first anniversary showing the Conservatives on track for a previously unimaginable 46 seats, a loss of 75. That Sir Keir was on course to lead his party to a catastrophic collapse to 178 seats, a drop of 233, would be of no solace if Reform was able to pick up the predicted 271 constituencies to be the biggest single party in a hung parliament. But coming to the aid of the party is Mark McInnes, aka Lord McInnes of Kilwinning, widely regarded as a lot more than a good man, but one of the Conservatives' most effective political strategists in recent memory and this week appointed as the UK party's new chief executive, having had his arm twisted by influential figures like Lord Steve Gilbert with whom he worked closely after being appointed as Scottish party director in 2011 when still plain old Morningside councillor Mark McInnes. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad In that role he was key to the Scottish Conservatives' change in fortunes through the referendum era, forming a tight team with leader Ruth Davidson delivering the charisma, the savvy David Mundell MP supplying the political nous, and Eddie Barnes the media and communications strategy, all underpinned by his forensic analysis and deep understanding of voting patterns and behaviours, and sharp management of the grassroots party. Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch needs to find a way to fight back against the threat posed by Reform UK (Picture: House of Commons/UK Parliament) | PA Wire Better Together stalwart When Mark spoke at party conferences and conventions, delegates didn't just dip in but listened intently because they knew they would learn something. If Ruth fired the shots, Mark supplied the ammunition. Elevated to a peerage in 2016 in recognition of his work during the 2014 independence referendum campaign to sharpen Better Together's messaging after a lacklustre start, he was instrumental in delivering the huge gains in Scotland at the 2016 Holyrood and 2017 general elections, and to hold the Scottish Parliament seats in 2021, after which he went south to bolster the Downing Street team. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad Wisely taking a step back after Liz Truss's election to party leader in 2022, the last time I spoke to him he was on a study trip on a Turkish archaeological site and as far out the loop of British politics as he could make himself, which wasn't far away at all and he supported Kemi Badenoch's leadership campaign. No one doubts the enormity of the challenge he faces, with one friend describing his first job being 'to see how much life there is left in the patient', but another was more pointedly critical of the current leadership, and identified the need to strip back to core values of hard work, personal responsibility and 'appeal to people for whom aspiration is not a dirty word'. Reform support expected to plateau Further, there is a need to reconnect with 'constituencies of purpose' like the business community and farmers disillusioned by Labour's tax raids, only set to increase after the welfare climbdown wiped out hoped-for savings. With Tories now polling in the teens, one analyst said it will be tough just to reach the mid-20s, but there is a belief that Reform will plateau, and arguing to turn either more to the right or left was a 'false dichotomy' when a clear appeal to all right-of-centre voters was needed. 'And anyway, how many parties has Nigel Farage been through before there's a fall-out?' one observed hopefully. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad But who better to judge the new chief's chances than the person with whom he worked the closest, Ruth Davidson. "Appointing Mark McInnes is probably the smartest political move Kemi Badenoch has ever made. If there is anyone in the Conservative party that understands how to build votes against all odds, it is Mark,' she said. 'Smart, talented, hardworking and living in the real world, he's spent decades confounding the odds in Scotland where the party's last rites have been read many, many times. He knows what it means to fight for every vote and – crucially – how to win them. But appointing Mark is not enough on its own to see off the near existential threat facing the Conservatives. Ms Badenoch and her team actually have to listen to him, work to his tempo and pace and implement his ideas. Time will tell if she's prepared to do that."


Scotsman
18 minutes ago
- Scotsman
Why Labour incompetence created welfare Bill disaster – and worse is to come
Sign up to our daily newsletter – Regular news stories and round-ups from around Scotland direct to your inbox Sign up Thank you for signing up! Did you know with a Digital Subscription to The Scotsman, you can get unlimited access to the website including our premium content, as well as benefiting from fewer ads, loyalty rewards and much more. Learn More Sorry, there seem to be some issues. Please try again later. Submitting... As a former Chief Whip, I often tell colleagues that the first rule of politics is to know how to count. You have to be able to add up the votes on your side of the aisle and the numbers on the opposite side – and make sure that your figures add up. That may appear to be a pretty low bar to clear but it is one that Keir Starmer's government has spectacularly failed to pass this week. Incompetence at the top of the government created utter chaos over the welfare Bill – but there may be far worse yet to come. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad A Bill that set out to cut back support for people with disabilities and health challenges was always likely to meet resistance from both inside and outside of Labour. That is why it is astonishing that the government only began to realise the scale of its miscalculation towards the end of last week, when more than 100 Labour members – led by several senior, moderate MPs – signed an amendment which would have brought down the Bill entirely. Chancellor Rachel Reeves was clearly emotional as Keir Starmer was grilled about the Labour rebellion over the welfare Bill (Picture: House of Commons/UK Parliament) | PA Wire High-handed ministers In one fell swoop, the massive Labour majority in the House of Commons was gone – and all because of the high-handed, contemptuous approach taken by those at the top. For a government to be blindsided in this way is a total failure of party management. It suggests that whips are either not doing their job, or are being ignored by those above them. Above all, it smacks of a government that thinks it is a lot cleverer than it really is, and that does not believe it is accountable to the MPs who make up their majority. What is so concerning about this week's debacle is that ministers appear to be unwilling to make the case for their policies, either with the public or with their own MPs. To govern, after all, is to choose. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad Sometimes cuts have to be made, tough decisions taken. If the planned cuts in the welfare budget were so necessary, as the government claimed up to the last minute, why were ministers so unwilling to win the argument with their colleagues? A lack of conviction This matters, because now that the government has shown that it cannot control its own party, every difficult vote becomes that much more difficult. The rebels have had a taste of successful rebellion – why would they stop here? What we are witnessing is a government that does not have the courage of its convictions. It may, in truth, not even have convictions to begin with – and a government that has neither the ideas nor the votes has a rocky road ahead of it. All indications, however, are that this poor management is going to continue. Just hours after the government turned tail on the welfare Bill, anonymous messages were circulating from the higher-ups, threatening that the two-child limit on benefits – one of the greatest drivers of child poverty in this country – would have to be kept in place to teach a lesson to rebellious MPs. Advertisement Hide Ad Advertisement Hide Ad If the government think they have the numbers to bully their MPs, they may have another thing coming. The first rule of politics is to know how to count.


The Independent
41 minutes ago
- The Independent
Analysis: Will Labour's 10 year plan for the NHS succeed?
As Sir Keir Starmer unveiled his government's 10-year plan for the NHS to a room of journalists and health staff, the prime minister set out a hopeful vision for the future of the service. The NHS is going to be one of Labour 's biggest gambles and, as the second largest area of government spend, one of its most expensive bets. The prime minister, hot off a tumultuous 24 hours over his government's welfare bill, appeared confident this new plan to save the NHS would work and achieve the improvement last seen by his Labour predecessors in the 2000s. But experts were clear that there is little new in it - in terms of ideas - and warned it lacks much of the necessary detail to make any real judgement over its success. The respected Institute of Economic Affairs accurately described the plan as 'mostly a reaffirmation of long-running policy goals…things that their predecessors and their predecessors' predecessors would also have said.' Sarah Woolnough, chief executive for think tanks the King's Fund, told The Independent: 'I think the plan lacks some of the detail around the house, and for people to believe in it, I think there's a huge consensus. This is the right direction of urgently need more details on how and why it will be different this time?' Jacob Lant, chief executive for charity National Voices, pointed out that it isn't necessarily a bad thing that the plan rehashes past policies - if they are good ones. He pointed out that the focus on the patient's voice is a step change to what has come before: 'Some new proposals on deciding hospitals' funding levels based on patients' experience, good and bad, are rooted in the right idea.' But he too pointed out the plan does not spell out what outcomes will be measured. What will and won't work? The neighbourhood health centres proposed in the plan – there will be around 200 across the country – will require a number of components to work, including the investment and staffing to flow to them. The problem is that when winter or a crisis hits, the NHS has always struggled to divert these resources. Much of what the 10-year plan banks on in its bid to save the NHS is rooted in the use of technology, most prominently AI and an all-singing, all-dancing NHS app. Several promises on the NHS App include that by 2028, it will be a 'full front door to the entire NHS' and act as a 'doctor in my pocket' for patients. The app should also give people access to a single patient record, choose a preferred provider to have their treatment, manage medicines and manage appointments for children. The expanded use of AI features prominently, including 'Ambient AI' which can record patients and health professional appointments and put notes directly into care records. This is sold as a way to unburden clinicians. On tech, Ms Woolnagh said: 'They are clearly really going for it on tech and I do welcome that because the NHS app is getting better, but a pretty slow pace and it has to be the way one of the major ways that we drive for form you just think about how the NHS compared to every other sort of service we use in our life It's quite frankly embarrassing that is still paper but whether it stacks up I think the jury is out.' One issue in the expansion of health tech is health leaders being 'bombarded' by medical tech companies trying to sell them new devices – how do we know which are quality tools and which aren't? The single patient record is an issue that successful government policies have grappled with, one barrier being that those who hold the data have been reluctant to let it go. However, if the government were successfully able to fulfil this, it would be very important to patients and could drastically improve their experience. What is it missing? The plan has some very big omissions, the key ones being workforce numbers, costing, and, as usual, social care. The document appears to be thin on ambitions around mental health services – the two main points are mental health A&Es and the further rollout of mental health teams in schools. The main nod to the workforce, outside of 1,400 GPs, is an admission that there will be fewer staff than projected in the long term, as the workforce plan published in 2023 under the former government. The King's Fund chief pointed out the omission of the number of staff needed to deliver the plan was, in one sense, welcome honesty from the government over the lack of money to pay for the workforce. However, she warned, 'Too often the workforce follows the main plan, but who is going to deliver this plan?' she said. Without workforce details, the plan requires the government's 'bets to come off', such as those around technology freeing up staff time. Experts speaking with The Independent also said it is short on detail about prevention ambitions, which touch on tabacco, junk food and a 'moonshot' on weight-loss. Ms Woolnagh said: 'I think that the measures they have talked about are welcome and I think, for example, it's easy to dismiss because tobacco and vapes don't feel terribly new. It's easy not to give it the kind of due it should have, but it's a big step.'It's a big deal, so they are welcome. I think taken together, this doesn't represent the radical mission that we were promised, and if you think the headline ambition in the government's manifesto was half the gap in healthy life expectancy between the wealthiest and most deprived.' Overall, much of the verdict on this plan rests on the additional detail needed, and so the jury is out on whether this will be Labour's shining achievement and finally deliver reform for the