
Did Muhammad Yunus doom Bangladesh's democratic future?
A Revolution Without DirectionThe uprising that shook the country was never just about quotas for government jobs. It was about years of pent-up frustration - a sidelined youth, silenced dissent, and an economy that benefited only the privileged few. The civil service quota reform protests were merely the spark. The explosion was long coming.More than half of civil service roles were reserved for groups including women, families of war veterans, and the disabled. But beneath the figures lay a deeper discontent: the widespread belief that Bangladesh's meritocracy had been dismantled - and that in Hasina's Bangladesh, hard work held no value.The costs were catastrophic. According to the United Nations, over 1,400 people lost their lives in the July–August 2024 uprising. Streets became warzones. Police stations were set ablaze. Students were gunned down. Entire neighbourhoods were reduced to rubble. This wasn't merely a protest — it was a rupture.Into that void stepped Muhammad Yunus - Nobel laureate, microfinance pioneer, and the reluctant head of an interim regime. Backed by elements within the military and opposition leaders, Yunus promised a national reset: eleven reform commissions, national unity, and a pathway to elections.Promise Meets ParalysisYet democracy requires more than ousting the old guard — it demands the creation of something new. And there, Bangladesh continues to flounder. The student movement that dismantled Hasina's regime now finds itself sidelined. Political parties that were expected to usher in a new chapter - including the BNP - remain gridlocked over election timing. The interim government insists on April; the BNP demands February. There is no consensus. No roadmap. Just stalemate.Meanwhile, the economy is disintegrating. The youth who marched in the streets — the unemployed, the desperate, the hopeful - remain suspended in limbo. Today, around 30% of Bangladeshi youth are neither in employment nor education or training. Among women, unemployment sits at 23%, with even higher figures in rural regions, where farms struggle and factories shutter.advertisementBangladesh's economic backbone — its garment industry - is haemorrhaging. The Beximco Group, one of the nation's largest conglomerates, has shut down over a dozen factories, resulting in over 40,000 job losses. Business leaders linked to the previous regime have either been imprisoned or fled. Trade unions have warned of systemic collapse. No relief has arrived.To make matters worse, the global stage has turned hostile. Late last year, the United States imposed a crippling 35% tariff on Bangladeshi garment exports. More recently, another 20% tariff was introduced — and foreign aid has dried up. Over 20,000 development workers have lost their jobs. Foreign investors are retreating.Despite summits and training schemes, the interim government has failed to restore economic confidence. Private investment has dipped from 24% to 22.5% of GDP. Hope is evaporating - and so is forward momentum.Dreams Deferred, Divisions DeepenedNowhere is the collapse more keenly felt than among the young students and workers who risked everything a year ago. They marched for dignity, fairness, and a better future. Today, many are unemployed, unheard, and increasingly unsure of why they fought at all.advertisementBut the failures of the transition are not just economic - they are moral. In the vacuum left behind by Hasina's fall, a new threat has emerged: Islamist resurgence.Groups like Jamaat-e-Islami, long banned from public life, are now staging enormous rallies. Their rhetoric is louder, more militant, and more visible than at any point in the past decade. And they are not merely shouting. They are acting - within communities, in the streets, and through rising acts of violence.Since Hasina's departure, there has been an alarming spike in anti-Hindu violence. Over 1,000 incidents were reported within weeks of the collapse. Mobs looted homes, burned down businesses, and desecrated more than 150 temples. Twenty-three Hindus were killed. Thousands have been displaced.A State Retreating From Its PeopleThe state has largely remained silent. Police presence was minimal. Arrests were scarce. Justice - even scarcer. While the interim government acknowledges 88 major communal incidents between August and October 2024, human rights organisations estimate the real figure is significantly higher.These attacks have largely been traced to radical Islamist groups emboldened by the power vacuum. With the secular Awami League gone, Bangladesh's minorities - especially Hindus - now find themselves defenceless.advertisementAnd it's not only Hindus. Sufi shrines have been desecrated. Secular bloggers hounded. Women's rights groups threatened. Bangladesh's already delicate pluralism is being ripped apart by a surge of majoritarianism and populist religious politics.Experts warn that any future government — whether the BNP, a student-led coalition, or another alliance - may be forced to pander to these Islamist forces. That would likely mean rolling back reforms, watering down human rights protections, and suffocating dissent even further.Despite repeated denials from the interim government, on-the-ground reports suggest radical clerics now hold more influence in many villages than state officials. In some areas, they are reportedly intimidating voters, silencing opposition voices, and usurping state authority altogether.This is not a democracy in progress - it is a democracy in retreat.Where Are the Reformers Now?With the Awami League dismantled and the machinery of the state in chaos, minority communities are leaving. Some flee to India. Others disappear into Dhaka's sprawling slums. The homes, businesses, and temples they leave behind are often destroyed.Meanwhile, the original student revolutionaries are splintering. Some have entered politics, demanding a new constitution before elections are held. Their platform calls for secularism, equal rights, and meaningful reform. They refuse to participate in elections without these guarantees.advertisementIt is a bold position - but one rooted in reality. The system that collapsed with Hasina's exit was broken long before her helicopter lifted off. Cosmetic changes will not suffice.A Nation at the EdgeSo where does Bangladesh go from here? The options are few and fraught. Rush elections — and risk violence, low turnout, or a chaotic mandate. Delay them — and invite accusations of dictatorship and disenfranchisement.The interim government must walk a tightrope. It cannot appease all factions, but it must restore legitimacy before collapse becomes inevitable.And that brings us back to the core question: was it worth it?The revolution brought down a powerful regime. It was born of hope — for justice, dignity, and democracy. But in the aftermath has come only disorder: broken promises, rising extremism, economic despair.Revolutions are not judged by what they destroy — but by what they create. One year after Bangladesh sought to reset its future, that reset remains unfinished. The ideals of equality, tolerance, and opportunity are still out of reach.And as the promise remains unfulfilled, the next generation — the ones who risked everything - may lose faith. The story of Bangladesh is not over. But it stands at a critical juncture. The decisions taken in the months ahead — about elections, reforms, and justice — will determine whether this remains a nation in transition, or devolves into chaos.When protesters climbed the palace roof last August, they didn't just bring down a ruler. They raised the bar of expectation. If those expectations collapse - the next fall may be far more dangerous.- EndsTune InTrending Reel

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First Post
3 minutes ago
- First Post
How Sheikh Hasina's home in Dhaka has been turned into a 'revolution museum'
A year after Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina fled from her luxurious home, Ganabhaban Palace, following her ousting, the palace is being converted into a museum. According to one of the curators, the exhibits would include artefacts of the protesters who were killed, among other things read more In this photograph taken on July 28, 2025, a labourer works inside the former official residence of Bangladesh's ousted prime minister Sheikh Hasina in Dhaka. AFP Once a heavily guarded palace, the former official residence of Bangladesh's ousted prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, is being turned into a museum as a lasting reminder of her autocratic rule. Photographs of jubilant flag-waving crowds clambering onto the rooftop of the Dhaka palace after Hasina fled by helicopter to India were a defining image of the culmination of student-led protests that toppled her government on August 5, 2024. One year later, with the South Asian nation of around 170 million people still in political turmoil, the authorities hope the sprawling Ganabhaban palace offers a message to the future. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Graffiti daubed on the walls condemning her regime remains untouched. 'Freedom', one message reads. 'We want justice.' Hasina's rule saw widespread human rights abuses, including the mass detention and extrajudicial killings of her political opponents. Up to 1,400 people were killed between July and August 2024 in her failed bid to cling to power, according to the United Nations. In this aerial photograph, a general view shows the former official residence of Bangladesh's ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina with the country's Parliament building in the background in Dhaka. AFP The 77-year-old has defied court orders to attend her ongoing trial on charges amounting to crimes against humanity in Dhaka, accusations she denies. 'Dictator', another message reads, among scores being protected for posterity. 'Killer Hasina'. Muhammad Yunus, the 85-year-old Nobel Peace Prize winner who is leading the caretaker government until elections are held in early 2026, said the conversion to a museum would 'preserve memories of her misrule and the people's anger when they removed her from power'. Symbol of fascism Mosfiqur Rahman Johan, 27, a rights activist and documentary photographer, was one of the thousands who stormed the luxurious palace, where crowds danced in her bedroom, feasted on food from the kitchens, and swam in the lake Hasina used to fish in. 'It will visualise and symbolise the past trauma, the past suffering – and also the resistance,' he said. 'Ganabhaban is a symbol of fascism, the symbol of an autocratic regime'. The complex was built by Hasina's father, the first leader of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and Hasina made it her official residence during her 15 years in power. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Tanzim Wahab, the curator of the under-construction museum, told AFP that exhibits would include artefacts of the protesters killed. Their life stories will be told through films and photographs, while plaques will host the names of the people killed by the security forces during the longer period of Hasina's rule. 'The museum's deeper purpose is retrospective, looking back at the long years of misrule and oppression', said Wahab. 'That, I believe, is one of the most important aspects of this project.' Wahab said the museum would include animation and interactive installations, as well as documenting the tiny cells where Hasina's opponents were detained in suffocating conditions. 'We want young people… to use it as a platform for discussing democratic ideas, new thinking, and how to build a new Bangladesh,' Wahab said. Statues of dictatorship That chimes with the promised bolstering of democratic institutions that interim leader Yunus wants to ensure before elections – efforts slowed as political parties jostle for power. The challenges he faces are immense, warned Human Rights Watch ahead of the one-year anniversary of the revolution. 'The interim government appears stuck, juggling an unreformed security sector, sometimes violent religious hardliners, and political groups that seem more focused on extracting vengeance on Hasina's supporters than protecting Bangladeshis' rights,' HRW said. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD But while Hasina's palace is being preserved, protesters have torn down many other visible signs of her rule. A labourer works inside the former official residence of Bangladesh's ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in Dhaka. AFP Statues of Hasina's father were toppled, and portraits of the duo torn and torched. Protesters even used digger excavators to smash down the home of the late Sheikh Mujibur Rahman – that Hasina had turned into a museum to her father. 'When the dictatorship falls, its Mecca will go too,' said Muhibullah Al Mashnun, who was among the crowds that tore down the house. The 23-year-old student believes that removing such symbols was necessary for Bangladesh to move forward to a better future. 'They were the statues of dictatorship,' Mashnun said.


News18
11 minutes ago
- News18
Housewife, Cops, Politician, Minor: 637 People Lynched In Bangladesh In 1 Year
From August 2, 2024, to date, at least 637 individuals, including 41 police officers, were lynched in acts of vigilante justice as Yunus presented a reformist face to the world. On August 5, 2024 — exactly a year ago — the streets of Dhaka witnessed a chaotic scene as Bangladesh navigated a tumultuous period. There were traffic snarls, blockades, high-decibel honkings, student volunteers taking over the streets, and scattered remains of human bodies punished for their affiliation with Sheikh Hasina's Awami League. Eyewitnesses recounted that some people were so brutally attacked that their faces were indistinguishable. Hasina managed to escape to Hindon Airbase in Ghaziabad, near New Delhi, leaving Bangladesh in disarray, soon to be taken over by Nobel Laureate Md Yunus. Despite Yunus's international image as an inclusive liberal change-maker, attacks on Hindus continued unabated, and their places of worship were desecrated in Bangladesh with impunity. This article, however, is not focused on the minorities of Bangladesh. The political transition following the August 2024 uprising, which forced then Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina from office after 15 years in power, has seen a disturbing escalation in mob violence in Bangladesh. From August 2, 2024, to date, at least 637 individuals, including 41 police officers, were lynched in acts of vigilante justice as Muhammad Yunus presented a reformist face to the world. This number is likely to rise, as the data collected is up to July 2025. It marks one of the deadliest waves of extrajudicial killings in Bangladesh's recent history. At The Zabeer Jashore Hotel in Jashore, 24 people were burnt to death on August 4 last year — a day before Hasina fled for her life. Among the 637 deaths, a staggering 182 people were burnt in the Gaji Tyres area of Rupganj in Narayanganj on August 25 last year, when the sense of retribution was still high. Canada's Global Centre for Democratic Governance painstakingly created a list of 637 victims and shared it with News18 in India, indicating a breakdown in law and order. 'With police forces overstretched, court systems paralysed, and local leaders either targeted or in hiding, citizens increasingly took justice into their own hands. Public spaces, once protected by law, have become flashpoints for mob killings, often triggered by nothing more than suspicion, rumour, or political resentment," said GCDG to News18. Local human rights organisations reported that over 70 per cent of lynching victims since August 2024 had ties to the former ruling Bangladesh Awami League or its affiliated student and labour wings. Minorities — Hindus and Ahmadiyas — were also common targets of mob lynchings. One of the most horrific incidents involved the public lynching of Lal Chand Sohag, a Hindu social worker, outside Mitford Hospital on July 9 this year. His death was, believe it or not, live-streamed across platforms. In the age of smartphones, rumours travel faster than facts. Misinformation and inflammatory content have played key roles in mobilising mobs within minutes. In a case in Chattogram, a Facebook post falsely claiming that a local Hindu man had desecrated the Quran led to a mob attack that left two dead and several homes burned. The post was proven false hours later. A recent survey by the South Asian Network on Economic Modelling (SANEM) found that 71 per cent of Bangladeshi youth believe that mob violence is now a way of public life, while 47 per cent fear becoming a target of politically motivated attacks. In Bangladesh, the last year has brought significant changes. Beyond the statistics and hashtags, Bangladesh is a living reality that not just its minorities have to come to terms with. Many Islamic believers, whose past political affiliations now pose a life threat, have slowly accepted this new reality. tags : bangladesh bangladesh violence Muhammad Yunus view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: News world Housewife, Cops, Politician, Minor: 637 People Lynched In Bangladesh In 1 Year | Exclusive Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.


NDTV
an hour ago
- NDTV
Vigilante Groups Intensify Illegal Immigrant Hunt In Assam's Sivasagar
In Assam's Sivasagar, a vigilante movement has intensified pricking the political fault lines in the state, with civil society organisations carrying out an overdrive to detect suspected illegal immigrants, a job otherwise bestowed upon the government and law enforcement agencies by the constitution. Organisations including Jatiyo Sangrami Sena Asom, Ahom Jatiyo Ganamancha, AATASU, Sangrami Yuva Chatra Parishad, Tai Ahom Yuva Parishad, Anusuchit Jati Chatra Santha, and Jatiyo Sangrami Mahila Parishad, are part of this over drive in Sivasagar district. They are demanding immediate detection and deportation of illegal Bangladeshi nationals and extended full support to the state government's ongoing eviction drives against encroachers on government land. Issuing a sharp warning, the groups declared that drives would intensify across Upper Assam this week. The members of these vigilante groups are going door to door to verify people who are working as labourers, staying on rents to find out who among them are suspected illegal immigrants and asking them to leave the district immediately, the locals said. Meanwhile, both the ruling BJP and the main opposition congress have started to target each other over this growing vigilantism in Upper Assam - a region which is seen as the road to power in Assam - with the elections in Assam slated to take place by April next year. "India is a country for Indian citizens. Those who have entered illegally, without documentation and by force, cannot be allowed to stay. Congress's vote bank politics will no longer work," said BJP National Secretary Rituraj Sinha, while reiterating his party's firm stance against illegal immigration in Assam. On the other hand, Leader of the Opposition and Congress MLA Debabrata Saikia accused the BJP of communalising the issue for political gain. He claimed that the eviction drives are targeting even indigenous people and that terms like "suspected foreigners" are being misused to harass minorities. "In the name of evicting illegal immigrants, they are targeting poor Indian citizens from minority communities. This is nothing but a diversionary tactic to hide governance failures," Saikia said. The Congress leader further challenged the BJP to release data on how many illegal immigrants have actually been deported over the past nine years. "Instead of real action, the government is creating a climate of fear and communal tension," he added.