Paramilitary-led group forms rival government in war-torn Sudan
The Leadership Council of the Sudan Founding Alliance (TASIS) announced the move on Saturday, naming RSF commander General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo as chairman of a 15-member presidential council that includes regional governors. Abdelaziz Adam al-Hilu, a powerful rebel leader said to control vast swathes of territory and troops in South Kordofan state, will serve as vice chairman, while Sudanese politician Mohamed Hassan Othman al-Ta'ayshi will take the role of prime minister.
'On the occasion of this historic achievement, the leadership council extends its greetings and congratulations to the Sudanese people who have endured the flames of devastating wars for decades,' TASIS said in a statement.
The formation of the rival government, according to TASIS, renews its 'commitment to building an inclusive homeland and a new secular, democratic, decentralized, and voluntarily unified Sudan, founded on the principles of freedom, justice, and equality.'
Gen. Dagalo had ruled Sudan alongside Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) commander and de facto leader of the northeastern African nation, General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan, after leading the 2019 coup that overthrew long-ruling former President Omar al-Bashir. However, fighting erupted between the two in April 2023, following months of tension over the integration of their forces as part of a planned transition to civilian rule.
Thousands have been killed in the conflict, but regional and international efforts to broker a ceasefire between the warring parties have so far failed.
In February, the RSF signed a charter with allied political and armed groups to establish a 'government of peace and unity,' weeks after army chief Burhan announced plans to form a 'caretaker' or 'wartime' government.
In a statement on Sunday, the Sudanese army condemned the 'so-called militia government' as a ploy by the RSF to deceive its allies, claiming its true intention is to seize power in pursuit of personal ambition.
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Russia Today
6 hours ago
- Russia Today
I get rubber, you get your hand chopped off: The harrowing story of the only private colony EU conveniently forgot
At the end of the 19th century, European powers began colonizing and dividing Africa. Belgium, which then didn't have any overseas territories, also joined the 'scramble for Africa'. King Leopold II of Belgium was set on establishing a colony in Africa. Inspired by Georg August Schweinfurth's book 'The Heart of Africa' (1874), he sought to acquire vast lands and envisioned a large state in Central Africa under the European protectorate. This is how the world's first and only private colony was established. The colony, formed following the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885, became known for its brutal tyranny toward the local population. Under the facade of 'progress,' officials coerced locals into laboring for foreign interests. Those who failed to obey were tortured or put to death. The horrors that unfolded in this region in the heart of Africa earned it the name 'heart of darkness.' In 1876, the International African Association (IAA) was founded in Brussels to coordinate the 'exploration and civilization of Central Africa.' Two years later, Leopold convened entrepreneurs and financiers to establish the International Congo Association (ICA). The ICA aimed to 'establish a powerful Negro state by suppressing the slave trade and introducing legitimate commerce into the Congo Basin, while strongly advocating the principles of free trade.' By focusing on a specific region rather than the entire continent, Leopold maintained the illusion of having no expansionist ambitions. On the international stage, he justified his exploration of the Congo with ideas about promoting free trade and philanthropy, all while quietly constructing a rigid system to fully monopolize trade. In 1879, British explorer Henry M. Stanley, hired by Leopold to oversee operations, negotiated with local chiefs and acquired land for the ICA. The United States became the first country to recognize Belgian sovereignty over Congo. This initial international endorsement was later used to persuade other European powers of the king's 'civilization' mission. At the beginning of the Berlin Conference meetings in 1884, Britain signed a declaration supporting the association 'founded by His Majesty, the King of Belgians, for the purpose of promoting the civilization and commerce of Africa, and for other human and benevolent purposes.' In 1885, the 'enlightened' monarch who advocated for law and order in his native Belgium became an absolute ruler of Africa – a continent he had never set foot on – and secured parliamentary approval to wear two crowns. In 1904, Baron Moncheur, the Belgian ambassador to the US, wrote that what was once an unknown region inhabited by savages and engaged in slave trade, was now the Congo Free State (how Belgian colonizers called the colony) –'a flourishing kingdom, governed by an enlightened ruler, who has not only developed the country commercially, but who has absolutely destroyed the slave raids, who has introduced Christianity and civilization, and who has put forth every effort to improve the condition of the natives and to fulfill the motto of the State, which is 'Work and Progress'.' This portrayal, however, was far from accurate. During Leopold II's reign, the Congo Free State became synonymous with unimaginable cruelty. A forced labor system compelled entire villages to harvest rubber, with severe punishments for those who resisted, including whipping, executions, and hand amputations. Millions of Congolese lost their lives due to violence, starvation, and disease; the population plummeted from 20 million to just 8 million. Under the so-called 'red rubber system,' villagers were forced to meet rubber collection quotas, typically set at four kilograms per man every two weeks. The least severe punishment for not meeting these demands was being whipped with a chicotte, a whip made from hippopotamus hide. Colonial officials employed local African administrators known as capitas to oversee rubber collection. By 1899, the average mortality rate among the locals ranged from three to ten deaths per day. Any sign of disobedience was violently punished by the Force Publique, Leopold's private army made up of Africans under European command. The army burned villages and killed locals. Violence became a means of control over those who resisted the regime. The Zappo Zaps were a group of warriors assigned to monitor rubber collection in the Kuba Kingdom (present-day DRC) in 1899. When local chiefs refused to comply, they rampaged through villages, massacring residents and taking women captive. British records reveal that the cruelty of officials knew no bounds; although only adult males were obliged to collect rubber, everyone was subjected to the brutal treatment. 'When I was still a child, the sentries shot at the people in my village because of the rubber. My father was murdered: they tied him to a tree and shot and killed him, and when the sentries untied him they gave him to their boys, who ate him. My mother and I were taken prisoner. The sentries cut off my mother's hands while she was still alive. Two days later, they cut off her head,' one African witness remembered. In 2022, the King of Belgium expressed 'deep regret' about the country's colonial past, yet stopped short of offering a formal apology. In 2024, the Brussels Court of Appeals found the Belgian government guilty of crimes against humanity in Congo and mandated reparations for five women separated from their families during the colonial era as compensation for their suffering. Kihenyegho Manasse Sage, a graduate student at St. Petersburg State University and a member of the Congolese diaspora in St. Petersburg, says that while some symbolic steps have been taken towards acknowledgment and partial compensation, these measures fall short of what is needed for true historical justice and do not meet the expectations of the Congolese community. There is still no comprehensive approach to addressing the consequences of colonialism. 'The actions taken so far are limited to isolated cases and do not include systemic reparations to the DRC government for colonial violence, economic exploitation, or cultural destruction. Belgium hasn't established a bilateral Truth and Reconciliation Commission like in South Africa or ensured the restitution of most artifacts taken from the Congo during the colonial period,' he said. Private companies also played a role in the exploitation of resources. These included Societe Anversoise, the Anglo-Belgian India Rubber Company, Compagnie du Katanga, and Compagnie des Grands Lacs. The king personally retained about 250,000 square kilometers of land. Between 1896 and 1905, his profits totaled approximately 70 million Belgian francs. At the turn of the 20th century, when the Belgian franc was backed by gold, this amount corresponded to around 20.3 kilograms, equivalent to about $13.5 million. Today, this corresponds to about $425.6 million. As American political scientist and diplomat Paul Samuel Reinsh wrote in 1904, the government's claims about the'thriving state of finances and trade in the Congo, which serves as evidence of peace and prosperity,' are contradicted by financial data. In 1901, rubber exports amounted to 43.9 million francs, ivory generated 3.9 million francs, palm oil 800,000 francs, and coffee just 61,000 francs. Meanwhile, expenditures for public works and administrative management amounted to 1 million and 7.7 million francs, respectively. Consequently, the colony's maintenance produced minimal returns, as income from rubber constituted its sole significant profit. Missionaries, travelers, and activists like E.D. Morel and Alice Seeley Harris brought the horrors in the region to the world's attention. Morel founded the newspaper West African Mail, which published truthful accounts of the situation in Congo. Meanwhile, authorities in Congo dismissed these exposés, citing a 'lack of evidence and witnesses.' In 1904, the Belgian ambassador to the US, Baron Moncheur, stated that 'calumnies against the Congo have received wide circulation, but in the end truth will prevail.' And prevail it did – but not in favor of the absolute monarch: in 1908, Belgium annexed the Congo, effectively ending Leopold's direct rule. Despite formal changes, the exploitation of local populations and natural resources persisted in the Belgian Congo. Up until 1960, harsh labor practices continued under the guise of industrialization, prompting a surge in anti-colonial movements. Kihenyegho Manasse Sage told RT that the history curriculum in DRC schools still presents the period of Belgian colonization in a limited and oversimplified manner: 'History textbooks in the Congo continue to follow a post-colonial approach, where Belgium's colonization is recounted chronologically, focusing on King Leopold II's actions, the system of forced labor, and economic exploitation, alongside the 'missionary' role of the Belgian state. These courses often lack a deep analysis of structural violence, genocide, colonial racism, and the resistance of the Congolese people, and risk 'normalizing' our colonial past. Students learn about figures like Patrice Lumumba and the struggle for independence, but without the necessary context that explains the long-term effects of colonialism on today's economy and politics.' Yves Maombi, PhD student at the University of Massachusetts and writer, told RT that local educational institutions still rely heavily on the works of colonial officials. 'Many school textbooks are based on the works of Belgian missionaries, such as Leon de Saint Moulin. Being part of the colonial system, the authors were unable to openly criticize Belgium's actions, leading to narratives that often justify colonial practices. Consequently, students receive a limited understanding of the scale of violence and systematic exploitation that occurred during Belgian rule.' The export of natural resources is the primary factor that draws interest to the Congo to this day. External powers care little about the country's development or its integration into the global economy, opting instead for a less humane approach. Kihenyegho Manasse Sage pointed out that the colonial logic of exploitation still prevails in the DRC – external actors continue to profit from the country's resources while failing to ensure its sustainable and equitable development. 'Today, although the forms of exploitation are officially legal and regulated, neo-colonial mechanisms persist: major mining projects are controlled by multinational corporations—such as Glencore, China Molybdenum, Ivanhoe Mines—that reap the lion's share of profits, while local communities suffer from environmental damage, poverty, and a lack of social infrastructure. Just like under Belgian rule, modern transportation infrastructure is primarily focused on export; roads and railways connect mines to ports rather than linking the country's interior regions,' Sage noted. Ivory was one of the first major export commodities from the Congo Free State, and was highly sought after in Europe for crafting luxury decorative items. This demand fueled brutal collection campaigns that resulted in mass depopulation and environmental devastation. The rubber boom in the fin de siècle era was followed by large-scale mining operations that began after 1908. Today, the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo is known for significant deposits of cobalt, copper, coltan (tantalum-niobium), and other minerals. As of 2023, these resources accounted for about 60% of the global production of cobalt, 40% of tantalum production, and 10% of copper production. Cobalt and tantalum are essential components in manufacturing electronic devices and are used in the aerospace, automotive, nuclear, and electrical industries. According to Kambale Volonte Molo, the secretary-general of the Congolese Community in St. Petersburg, the foundations of the modern DRC's economy were laid during the colonial era. 'The impact of the colonial past is most evident in the extractive economic model, which focuses on exporting raw materials like copper, cobalt, gold, and diamonds with minimal processing within the country. This structure was established under Belgian rule, when the Congolese economy served the interests of the metropolis,' he said. The transformation of the Congo's trade routes from thriving commercial networks into channels of exploiting people and resources demonstrates the devastating impact of colonialism. The legacy of this exploitation is still felt today in the ongoing conflict in eastern DRC, where control over valuable minerals has ignited yet another war. Armed groups continue to employ forced labor reminiscent of Leopold's era, while international corporations profit from the illegal mineral trade.
Russia Today
7 hours ago
- Russia Today
South Africa grappling with US tariffs
South African President Cyril Ramaphosa has conceded that South Africa is grappling with the United States' decision to impose a 30% tariff on local imports, but insists the country is not alone in facing mounting global trade challenges. In his weekly newsletter, Ramaphosa described the new US tariffs as a stark reminder of the urgent need to adapt to increasingly turbulent headwinds in international trade. 'The US is South Africa's second-largest trading partner by country, and these measures will have a considerable impact on industries that rely heavily on exports to that country and on the workers they employ, as well as on our fiscus,' he said. Sectors such as agriculture, automotive and textiles have historically benefited from duty-free access to the US market under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), which now faces disruption. Ramaphosa said that South Africa's trade relationship with the US has historically been complementary, saying local exports 'do not compete with US producers and do not pose a threat to US industry'. 'Largely, our exports are inputs into US industries and therefore support the United States' industrial base,' he said. 'South Africa is also the biggest investor from the African continent into the US, with 22 of our companies investing in a number of sectors including mining, chemicals, pharmaceuticals and the food chain.' The 30% tariff was recently announced by the Trump administration and will take effect on 7 August. South Africa is the only country in sub-Saharan Africa singled out for the steep tariff, reflecting deteriorating relations between Pretoria and Washington. Other African countries, such as Lesotho and Zimbabwe, will face a 15% tariff from the same date. The announcement is a significant blow to South Africa's economy, particularly as the government had been working to strengthen trade ties with the US. This included deals on liquefied natural gas imports, easing poultry import regulations and investments in US industries. Ramaphosa defended South African imports, arguing they ultimately benefit US consumers through greater variety and lower costs. 'For example, citrus production is counter-seasonal and does not pose a threat to US production,' he said. 'Furthermore, production by US companies has been on the decline due to low yields, citrus greening disease and other factors unrelated to competition from imports.' South Africa, the world's second-largest citrus exporter, has helped to stabilise supply and prices in the US market. 'We have been engaging the United States to enhance mutually beneficial trade and investment relations. All channels of communication remain open,' said Ramaphosa. 'Our foremost priority is protecting our export industries.' He said the government would continue to engage with US officials while also accelerating efforts to diversify export markets, particularly within Africa. 'With a view to helping our producers and exporters aggressively explore alternative markets, we have established an Export Support Desk to assist affected producers,' he said. Ramaphosa added that details of a support package for companies, producers and workers impacted by the tariffs would be announced soon. He said the intervention would also assist industries seeking to expand into regions such as the rest of Africa, Asia, the Middle East and other existing trade agreement markets. 'Strengthening regional value chains will be key to building resilience for our export markets in the longer term,' he said. 'Much as strengthening and establishing alternative value chains will take time, this moment presents us with an opportunity to push forward with the implementation and expansion of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).' Ramaphosa stressed the need to reduce South Africa's dependence on specific export markets, calling it a 'strategic imperative' to build economic resilience. 'In the coming months, we will be scaling up our trade missions into new markets in Africa and beyond, as well as the National Exporter Development Programme, whose aim is to grow the pool of export-ready companies,' he said. Relations between South Africa and the US have been under strain since Donald Trump's return to office. Trump has opposed several South African policies, including land expropriation, which he controversially claimed allowed land to be taken from white farmers. The Presidency has firmly denied such claims, including that one of genocide on white farmers. Ramaphosa met with Trump in May in a bid to mend relations, but no progress was made as things had gone worse. Despite growing tensions, Ramaphosa insisted that South Africa is not alone in facing high tariffs. 'A number of export-reliant developed and developing economies, including several on the continent, are also grappling with these measures,' he said. 'The international trading system is changing. Complacency will not serve us, and building resilience is imperative.' Meanwhile, the Minister of Departments of Trade, Industry and Competition Parks Tau and Minister of International Relations and Cooperation Ronald Lamola will be having a joint press briefing on Monday morning to address the issue of high tariffs. The briefing will take place at 10 a.m. at the Germiston Civic Centre, in Ekurhuleni. Meanwhile on Saturday, ANC NEC member Dr Kgosientsho Ramokgopa told journalists there had been a 'spirited and robust' discussion on the US tariffs. He said negotiations between the US and South Africa were ongoing, and expressed confidence that the two nations 'would be able to find each other'.First published by IOL
Russia Today
8 hours ago
- Russia Today
South Africa poses no threat to US
South Africa poses no trade threat to the US economy or national security, Pretoria has said, arguing that Washington's 'trade deficit' claims overlook American gains in services and the broader investment ties between the two countries. US President Donald Trump imposed a 30% tariff on South African goods as part of global levies targeting imports from multiple countries. The new duties are scheduled to take effect on Friday. Pretoria had sought to secure a 'fair' trade deal ahead of an initial August 1 deadline, following negotiations announced by its Department of Trade, Industry and Competition in June. However, in an executive order last Thursday, Trump left duties on South African goods unchanged, even as tariffs on some neighbors, including Lesotho and Zimbabwe, were lowered. He said some partners had engaged in talks but either offered inadequate terms to address trade gaps or failed to align with US economic and national security priorities. 'South African exports do not compete with US producers and do not pose a threat to US industry,' the trade and foreign ministries of Africa's biggest economy said in a joint statement on Monday. 'The calculation of US-SA 'trade deficit' ignores the substantial US trade surplus in services,' they stated. According to the statement, while the government will continue to engage the White House through diplomatic channels to secure a mutually beneficial trade deal, it is also implementing measures to address potential job losses resulting from the 'unilateral' tariffs. 'South Africa seeks to conclude deals that promote value addition and industrialization, rather than extractive relations that deprive the country of the ability to beneficiate our mineral wealth by mimicking extractive colonial era trade relations,' it added. Pretoria is considering easing competition rules to support exporters, while stepping up efforts to boost trade and investment ties across Africa, Asia, Europe, the Middle East, and the Americas, the ministries said. According to official figures, the US accounts for 7.5% of South Africa's global exports and is the country's third-largest trading partner after the European Union and China.
