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Where Iran Goes From Here

Where Iran Goes From Here

As Israeli missiles struck Iranian territory and Tehran fired back, the Middle East veered closer to a full-blown regional war. For the first time since the 1980s, the Islamic Republic faced a direct military assault from another regional power that targeted not only its military assets, but the symbolic and political heart of the regime itself.
Today, that war is paused under a tenuous ceasefire, and despite the hopes and near hysterical levels of speculation, the regime remains in power. Iran's rulers may have survived this round, but their legitimacy is more fragile than ever. A tightening of its grip at home and the launching of internal purges to root out alleged Israeli collaborators is certainly on the horizon, if not already underway. The leadership will try to showcase its military resilience but underneath lies a deepening crisis and serious governance challenges remain. While Iranians demonstrated unity against the unprecedented Israeli and U.S. strikes, the war raised urgent questions about the regime's survival and Iran's evolution.
The immediate trigger was military. On June 12, Israel launched strikes deep into Iranian territory, followed by U.S. attacks on June 22 targeting nuclear sites. The Trump Administration framed the operation as a necessary step to 'permanently eliminate' Iran's weapons capabilities. In typical fashion, Trump followed up the strike with a promise to 'Make Iran Great Again,' implying that regime change was the goal.
But on June 24, Trump reversed course and announced a cease-fire. The terms are vague and the enforcement mechanism unclear. What is clear, however, is that Iran's political and military infrastructure remains largely intact. The idea that a decades-old regime could be brought down from an Israeli aerial campaign without boots on the ground or domestic support has once again proven to be fantasy.
The Islamic Republic is not a fragile dictatorship held together by a single man. Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's health has long been the subject of conjecture, but the regime has built-in mechanisms for succession. The Revolutionary Guards remain powerful, deeply embedded, and invested in the system—if not their own survival.
Yet survival is not strength. The war exposed a regime unable to protect its own cities or citizens from foreign attack. The Islamic Republic is more isolated and heavily sanctioned. It has spent decades portraying itself as a guardian of sovereignty, but its projection of power and defense strategy has proved hollow. That failure has opened new space not just for criticism, but for imagination.
For years, Iranians have mobilized to protest what they don't want: clerical rule, corruption, and repression. But in this moment of crisis, a more difficult and essential question of what Iranians want and who gets to decide is resurfacing.
That answer cannot come from exiled monarchs or foreign leaders. It must come from within. The Woman, Life, Freedom protests of 2022 offered a glimpse, as the most diverse and widespread protests in Iran's modern history. The Iranian diaspora responded with unprecedented energy, organizing rallies and proposing blueprints for a post-Islamic Republic transition. But much of that momentum faltered, in part due to the re-entry of Reza Pahlavi, the exiled son of the former Shah, who is again echoing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Nentayahu in his call for Iranians to 'rise up.'
The path forward doesn't lie in restoring monarchy, nor in a foreign-brokered government-in-exile. It lies in the hard, deliberate work of building a representative system that reflects and includes the full spectrum of Iranian society across ethnic, religious, regional, and gender lines. It means prioritizing transitional justice over revenge, and institutions over personalities.
Iranians know the perils of externally driven regime change. In 1953, a U.S.- and U.K.-backed coup toppled the democratically elected Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh, restoring the Shah and burying Iran's early experiment in parliamentary democracy. In 1979, a revolution for freedom was hijacked by a theocratic elite. In both cases, Iranians lost control of their future to opportunists who promised salvation and delivered repression.
Iranians have also long feared the prospect of a Syrian-style civil war, Libyan-style state collapse, or foreign intervention masked as liberation. These anxieties are not merely historical abstractions or distant lessons drawn from the broader Middle East. They are actively reinforced by the country's ongoing experience of international sanctions and economic isolation. Decades of sweeping sanctions have eroded the economic foundations of everyday life, hollowed out state capacity, and left a broken social contract.
The war may be on hold. But the reckoning is far from over. The Iranian state is bloodied but intact, and will certainly seek a way out, possibly through a Trump-led deal that secures its survival, curbs further Israeli attacks, and brings long-awaited sanctions relief. But any diplomatic resolution abroad must be matched by a reckoning at home.
What's at stake is not just foreign policy but political agency. The challenge ahead for Iran is to imagine a future not built by strongmen or imagined by external actors, but on pluralism and new governance that derives its legitimacy from the people.

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Iran admits U.S. strikes caused 'significant damage' to nuclear sites
Iran admits U.S. strikes caused 'significant damage' to nuclear sites

Yahoo

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Iran admits U.S. strikes caused 'significant damage' to nuclear sites

June 27 (UPI) -- Iran officially acknowledged its nuclear sites had sustained "serious and significant damage" from U.S. air and missile strikes last weekend. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said that while the extent of the damage was still being assessed by the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran, it was undeniable that the losses were substantial and that the country's nuclear facilities "have been seriously damaged." The admission by Araghchi in an interview with Iranian state television on Thursday came amid conflicting reports on the efficacy of the unprecedented military action launched by the United States against three nuclear sites on June 21. Earlier Thursday, Iranian leader Ayatollah Ali Khanamei claimed the opposite of his foreign minister, saying damage to the sites had been minimal and instead hailing the "damage inflicted" by Tehran's "victorious" retaliatory strike on the United States' Al-Udeid Air Base in Qatar on Monday. The administration of U.S. President Donald Trump has said the strikes using 30,000-pound bunker-buster bombs and long-range Tomahawk cruise missiles "completely and fully obliterated" Iran's nuclear program -- although public briefings have focused on the "primary site," a key underground uranium enrichment plant at Fordow, with few details forthcoming on the facilities at Natanz and Esfahan. U.S. officials have pushed back on a leaked preliminary report by the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency that assessed the strikes had only set back Iran's nuclear development by a few months at most, with the White House calling its findings "flat-out wrong." Araghchi said inspectors from the United Nations' nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency, might never be allowed back into Iran. Iranian lawmakers passed a bill Wednesday, effectively banning any future cooperation with the IAEA, which Tehran has accused of carrying out reconnaissance on behalf of Israel and the United States. The legislation has been waived through by the Guardian Council and will go forward to President Masoud Pezeshkian's desk for him to sign into law, or veto. "Without a doubt, we are obliged to enforce this law. Iran's relationship with the agency will take a different shape," Araghchi warned. The independent London-based Iran International said Tehran was considering quitting the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. However, Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmaeil Baghaei on Thursday, reasserted Iran's right to pursue peaceful nuclear development afforded to it by the treaty, according to state-run Press TV. Citing Article IV of the 1968 agreement, he said Iran was determined to keep its nuclear program going "under any circumstances." The statement came a day after Trump, announcing fresh Iran-U.S. talks, said he wasn't interested in existing or new agreements because the only thing the U.S. would be asking for was "no nuclear." Araghchi took to social media to claim Iran had conducted itself honorably and abided by international diplomatic norms, contrasting its record against that of European countries and the United States in particular, accusing Washington of treachery for attacking when Iran-U.S. talks were still in play. "Our diplomatic legitimacy was undeniable. In every conversation I had with foreign ministers, they either approved Iran's rightful position or were forced into silence. We stood firm, and even adversaries acknowledged our position," he said in a post on X. "We have had a very difficult experience with the Americans. In the middle of negotiations, they betrayed the negotiation itself. This experience will certainly influence our future decisions." Araghchi confirmed no resumption of talks was planned despite Trump saying Wednesday that the two countries would meet "next week." White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt told reporters at her regular briefing Thursday that nothing was "scheduled as of now," but that communication channels between the United States and Iran remained active.

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