Trial date set for man charged with killing UW-Whitewater gymnast Kara Welsh
The trial date for Chad T. Richards was set Tuesday during a motion hearing he attended by a video link from the Walworth County Jail.
His attorney Gibson D. Hatch, of Middleton, filed a motion on Monday, requesting that his legal team be given access to the view the crime scene – unit no. 203 of the Whitewater Street apartment complex, where police say Richards shot Kara Welsh to death.
Prosecutors were previously allowed inside the apartment on the day a search warrant was executed there. In recent weeks, DLK Enterprises, the Whitewater-based rental company that manages the complex, barred the defense from entering the unit without a court order.
More: What we know and don't know about the fatal shooting of champion gymnast Kara Welsh
Hatch said touring the apartment would be crucial to helping him and his team form a defense for his client.
Walworth County District Attorney Zeke S. Wiedenfeld didn't oppose the defense request. He said he spoke with the manager before Tuesday's hearing and was told the unit hadn't been renovated since the warrant was executed.
At that time, law enforcement removed a door, some drywall, portions of flooring and other items that could be used as evidence, Wiedenfeld said.
Walworth County Circuit Court Judge Estee Scholtz said she would allow Richards' lawyers to go through the apartment, but with limits – for a specific amount of time and for a single day.
"I don't want it to be a continued invasion of the space," she said.
Members of Welsh's family were in the courtroom gallery and spoke up as discussion during the hearing shifted to discovery.
More: Suspect makes court appearance in shooting death of UW-Whitewater gymnast Kara Welsh
Hatch said his office had received discovery in the case, but needed time to go over it. He requested the next status hearing be held within 45 days, which Welsh's family objected to.
They requested the hearing be held within 30 days, arguing discovery already had been furnished for Richard's legal team in November and has had ample to examine it.
Richards, 23, is scheduled return to court March 20 for a status conference. A final pre-trial hearing also was scheduled for Dec. 3.
Police arrested Richards in August in connection with the killing of Welsh, a 21-year-old University of Wisconsin-Whitewater student and national gymnastics champion.
Welsh was 21 and entering her senior year at the university, when she was found dead Aug. 30 at an off-campus apartment building, police said.
Richards, a member of the university's 2020-21 and 2021-22 wrestling teams, is charged with first-degree intentional homicide in her death.
A report by the Walworth County Medical Examiner's Office determined Welsh had eight gunshot wounds.
Detectives have promoted the theory, based on the evidence, the shooter stood over Welsh and fired as she was curled on the floor in a fetal position.
Richards has pleaded not guilty.
He has been unable to post the $1 million bond needed for his pre-trial release, and remained in custody Tuesday at the Walworth County Jail.
This article originally appeared on Milwaukee Journal Sentinel: Man charged with killing UW-Whitewater gymnast Kara Welsh has trial date set
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Newsweek
3 hours ago
- Newsweek
We Must Protect American Courtrooms From Foreign Interference
In most American courtrooms today, a party in court could be financed by foreign interests (and other unrelated third parties) without the other party ever knowing it. This alternate funder may be an investor hoping for uncorrelated returns, a wealthy donor with personal or business interests in the case, or an affiliate of an adversarial nation seeking to undermine U.S. competitiveness. The third-party litigation funding industry operates in the Wild West. Any outside group can pay the bills for a party in a legal dispute. They do this often in exchange for a percentage of an eventual settlement. Absent a handful of states that have passed disclosure laws affecting their own state court systems, the vast majority of state and federal courts do not require parties to disclose who's paying their legal costs—not to other parties and not even to the presiding judge. A stone sign for the United States Court House in downtown Los Angeles, Calif. is pictured. A stone sign for the United States Court House in downtown Los Angeles, Calif. is pictured. Getty Images But disclosure is critical and not just for transparency's sake. Incentives matter in the courtroom. The American civil litigation system is premised on fairness, impartiality, and the pursuit of justice. If a party's funders have hidden motives that stray from the desire to fairly resolve a dispute, trust in the system is put at risk. Foreign sources of litigation funding introduce a whole new set of perverse incentives. A foreign funder may finance a case in order to gain access to sensitive intellectual property or even to evade sanctions that prohibit transactions or investments in U.S. capital markets. Also, since litigation funders have their own monetary and non-monetary goals, the funder may push its client to demand steeper settlement terms than the client would otherwise consider. These are not hypothetical situations. In 2024, Bloomberg Law reported that a group of sanctioned Russian billionaires created an investment fund to back bankruptcy lawsuits in New York and London thus allowing the oligarchs to steer (launder) tens of millions into western financial institutions. In another instance, China-based technology firm PurpleVine financed several intellectual property lawsuits against Samsung. This was discovered by a lone overseeing judge in Delaware who luckily requires litigation financing disclosure in his courtroom. Had the case not crossed his desk, the defendants may never have known that their case was hardly a mere legal challenge but, in actuality, a case with national security importance. Foreign donors may also fund lawsuits that advance their personal agendas. Last year, Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) filings revealed that an Australian mining billionaire was paying the legal bills for a coalition of environmental nonprofits in their lawsuit against ExxonMobil. The billionaire, Andrew Forrest, runs a mining empire that he aims to convert into a clean-energy provider—demonstrating both ideological and anticompetitive reasons to target an American oil major that he would not otherwise have standing to sue. This backdoor litigation is getting foreign companies and even foreign governments into American courtrooms they otherwise wouldn't be able to access. Since the third-party litigation funding industry is entirely unregulated, each of these examples only came to light by accident: strong investigative reporting; a lone judge's standing transparency order; and a buried FARA filing. But in each instance, the discovery of foreign funding changed both public perception and legal strategy. Routine civil suits became vehicles for money laundering, corporate espionage, and personal grievance. Unregulated third-party litigation financing is a crucial vulnerability for American competitiveness and national security. In order to secure a just and fair civil justice system, it's only common sense that parties should know who they're up against. We must act quickly as this "hidden party" industry is growing at a pace stressing the non-existent regulatory regime. One estimate values the global market at $17.5 billion in 2025, and it is forecasted to grow to $67.2 billion by 2037. Naturally, it's also becoming more complex. Opportunistic actors are developing secondary markets—a "stock exchange for lawsuits"—which, if left unregulated as well, will only create new avenues for foreign actors to distort the civil justice system and surreptitiously move capital. Regulators can be certain that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and other adversarial nations have taken notice of this influx of cash into the industry. The CCP may be responsible for a significant part of this cash flow, but we cannot be sure. Under the current system, neither national security officials nor legal professionals have any way to discern the source of billions of dollars propping up civil suits from behind the curtain. A number of bills in state legislatures and in Congress have been introduced to require disclosure of any third-party litigation financing—of foreign funding in particular. This is a welcome development. Lawmakers in Washington and in statehouses across the country should move with alacrity and act on this issue before American companies, our justice system, and our capital markets are subjected to further foreign meddling. Former Representative Michael Patrick Flanagan (R-Ill.) previously represented the 5th District of Illinois in the U.S. House of Representatives and sat on the Committee on the Judiciary. An attorney, he previously served in the U.S. Army and retired at the rank of captain. The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.


New York Post
19 hours ago
- New York Post
Legendary Long Island law firm Sullivan-Papain turns 100
They've pleased the court. A Long Island law firm that changed the world using out-of-the-box thinking on everything from smoking to cars to beer at baseball games is celebrating centenarian status this year. 'Everything that you have grown up with and have taken for granted is because of what's happened in this firm over the last 100 years,' New York State Supreme Court Justice Christopher McGrath told The Post of firm Sullivan-Papain, which has recovered north of $2 billion in settlements in the past decade alone. 4 Sullivan-Papain partners Thomas McManus, Eleni Coffinas, John Nash, Nick Papain (back row left to right) and Bob Sullivan (seated) at the law firm's office in Garden City. Dennis A. Clark The judge cut his teeth with the Garden City-based practice as a 23-year-old under the tutelage of its late 5'2″ skinny founder, Harry Lipsig, who was a giant in the legal world 50-something years ago. 'He was just different. He's a genius — and yet, we'll call him a little quirky at the same time,' McGrath said. 'One time, my job was to meet him at his apartment at seven in the morning. The train got me in late at 7:05, and he said, 'Good afternoon.' ' Lipsig's high standards weren't without reason. He used a mix of sheer brilliance and common sense to change how the world operated; perhaps most notably, starting with how stadiums sold beer 80 years ago, after a man at a New York Giants baseball game got belted in the head with a glass bottle at the old Polo Grounds. 4 Harry Lipsig was a founding partner of the 100-year-old firm. Dennis A. Clark 'The Polo Grounds was saying it wasn't their fault. … 'We can't put a police officer in every other seat. We can't have everybody stop anybody from throwing something down,' ' recalled senior partner Bob Sullivan. During the three-day trial, Lipsig, who passed away in 1989 at age 89, brought a mysterious handheld paper bag into court with him each day and left it sealed on the table. 'When he got to summation, he pulled out a paper cup and he said, 'This is how you stop it.' … That's how that came to be in stadiums all across the country,' Sullivan said. 4 Senior partner Bob Sullivan recalls the creative way Lipsig was able to win a case against the old Polo Grounds stadium. Dennis A. Clark On a case-by-case basis The novel way of thinking that Lipsig was known for — he once won a shark-bite case by proving the victim's hotel wasn't dumping its garbage far enough at sea and drew in the predators — has been passed down generation to generation. New York state recruited Sullivan-Papain in its lawsuit against smoking companies in the late 1990s, which yielded an end to cigarette ads and $25 billion in recovery locally. 'The genius was that we didn't represent the smokers, we represented the nonsmokers,' Sullivan said. 'Your taxes, what you pay for Medicare, Medicaid, for all these people who got sick and were dying of cancer, went through the roof. That was the key point.' 4 Partner Nick Papain was involved in a case that helped make cars safer. Dennis A. Clark Ironically, most of the firm's team on the case was hooked on nicotine. 'Every hour, we would take a 10-minute break so the lawyers could go out and smoke,' said partner Nicholas Papain, a lawyer who led to changes in how cars are built. He was involved in several cases of people who got into accidents by unintentionally hitting the gas rather than the brake when first getting into their cars. Ultimately, the high-volume litigation led to automakers keeping gearshifts locked unless a driver's foot was on the brake. The firm has also branched out into medical malpractice and represented the FDNY for four decades, with partner Eleni Coffinas saying cancer patients often find emotional strength in court victories. Sullivan-Papain has done an estimated $40 million in pro bono work for the families of first responders on 9/11, too. 'I think it speaks to that firm culture, philosophy, that is a big reason why it has been around for 100 years,' said managing partner TJ McManus, who added that it is common for new workers to hear of Lipsig's legend during their first week on the job. 'I think he set certain parameters and a legacy that is followed all the way through to today.'

Miami Herald
a day ago
- Miami Herald
To dodge federal rule, immigrants moved from Florida jails - and sometimes moved right back
ORLANDO, Fla. - Four Guatemalan siblings, detained as undocumented immigrants after a traffic stop, spent several days last month at the Orange County Jail before being picked up in a van and driven around for hours. Finally they reached their destination, their attorneys say: Right back at the Orange County Jail. This directionless odyssey - similar to what some other detainees across Florida have faced in recent months – happened because of rules limiting the number of days an undocumented immigrant can be held in a local facility before federal officials must take custody. With the Trump administration's push for "mass deportation" filling federal detention beds, detainees are being transferred from facility to facility because the switch restarts the clock and gives federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents more time to pick them up. Multiple immigration attorneys described the shuffle to the Orlando Sentinel, and law enforcement leaders in Orange and Pinellas County confirmed the practice. But the attorneys say it's a maddening tactic that often leaves them struggling to locate the immigrants, and denies detainees access to family members and due process. Even though his clients - three brothers and a sister - wound up in the same place they started from, Orlando-based immigration attorney Walker Smith said he couldn't find the siblings because their previous inmate numbers were changed upon their return, leaving him and their family unsure of their whereabouts. He said the two youngest siblings in the family, 26 and 18, had valid work permits. "If they're just holding people indefinitely, holding people by sending them from facility to facility, or worse, sending them out of one facility and back to the same one under a different number … It's gaming the system at its finest," Smith said. The youngest brother has since been moved again - this time to Alligator Alcatraz, the state's new detention center in the Everglades. The way a detained immigrant's custody clock works is complicated. Under the Intergovernmental Service Agreement, or IGSA, that governs the relationships between ICE and the handful of Florida jails like Orange County's that temporarily hold detainees, undocumented immigrants without criminal charges can be held up to 72 hours before ICE must come to pick them up. But if the immigrant is arrested for a separate criminal offense, the 72-hour clock may not start until the other offense is charged or dropped - for all arrestees, state law prescribes a two-day time limit for that - or bail is granted and paid. "After the 72-hour period is up, there's no more authority for whatever agency or jail or entity to continue to hold those people," Smith said. "So . . . they should be released." And prior to the Trump administration, immigrants with an ICE hold often were released if time expired with no action. Now, some of them are simply relocated, whether to a different jail, or for a brief ride. It remains unclear how often the scenario occurs. In a July 15 meeting of the Board of County Commissioners, Orange Corrections Chief Louis Quiñones described a shuffle involving "a large amount of individuals" in early July. He was responding to questions from Commissioner Maribel Gomez Cordero, who had been told about the practice by advocates pressuring commissioners to terminate the IGSA with ICE. "Right around the [July 4] holiday, we had a large amount of individuals who were reaching the 72 hours and ICE had to come get those individuals and they were going to attempt to send them to another location," he said. "That did not go as they had planned, so they brought them back to Orange County Corrections." One reason the issue irks some county officials is that it costs about $145 per day to keep somebody in the jail, and the federal government only reimburses Orange County about $88 per day to house detainees. Shuffling people in and out of the jail prolongs their stay and runs up the bill. The county is in the midst of trying to renegotiate its agreement with ICE for a better reimbursement rate, but so far hasn't come to a deal. Quiñones didn't say how many people were impacted by the transfer, and the county didn't make him available for a requested interview with the Orlando Sentinel. But Smith said he was skeptical of Quiñones' description. "He tried to make it seem like it was a one-off," Smith said. "So I was very intrigued that the [Guatemalan] guy that I went to go talk to had also encountered the same situation." Danny Banks, the county's Public Safety Director, also said the shuffle has occurred only as "an isolated incident" so far. "Largely, ICE has been transporting their inmates within the 72-hour timeframe indicated in the IGSA agreement," he said in a text message. However, the Orlando Sentinel has been told of multiple other instances. One of the most elaborate involved Cuban native Michael Borrego Fernandez, who was transported to multiple different facilities before ending up at Alligator Alcatraz, where he has been since July 5. In June, Borrego Fernandez was arrested for violating his release terms after being charged with grand theft for bilking homeowners to pay for swimming pools up front but not finishing the work, which his mother Yaneisy Fernandez Silva said was because he "unwittingly" worked for a businessman operating the scam. Borrego Fernandez, who lived in South Florida, was taken to the Seminole County Jail to serve ten days in jail, she said. Following the completion of his sentence, he was taken to Orange County Jail on an ICE hold, then three days later shuttled to Pinellas County Jail. Three days after that, he was again transported back to Orange County Jail, his mother said. Roughly four days later he called his mother saying he had reached Alligator Alcatraz. Only his calls offered clues that let Fernandez Silva search for her son in jail databases, she said. "It's clear what the counties are doing, they're trying to create a legal loophole to a constitutional obligation to not hold people for more than the 72 hours," said Mich Gonzalez, a South Florida-based immigration attorney who called the transfers "alarming." Gonzalez said conditions for inmates who move around are different than for those housed in a single jail. "They're shackled, they're handcuffed, sometimes they're also waist-chained," Gonzalez said. "They're not provided proper food like when they're in custody at a county jail, where there are … general rules that you're going to get three meals a day and access to water. But when you're being transported and transferred, that goes out the window." In June, a Mexican man was arrested while his boss, a U.S. citizen, was driving him and his brother to a construction site. Both were passengers in the car and both had permits to work in the U.S., said the wife of one of the brothers. She spoke with the Sentinel on the condition of anonymity as she worries her comments could make her a target of immigration authorities. For weeks after her husband's arrest she did not know where he was. He would call from an Orange County number but he did not appear in the correction system's database. He told his wife he was put into a van and taken somewhere, but returned the next day to Orange County Jail. "I didn't hear from him for three days … I was so scared," She said in Spanish. "He spent so much time in Orange County Jail that when he returned he knew it was the same place." Advocates for the family met with officials at Orange County Corrections in early July to help find him. Six hours later, he was finally located in a county jail cell, they said. He had been given a different inmate number upon his return, which contributed to the confusion. Pinellas County Sheriff Bob Gualtieri confirmed there has been some shuffling involving his facility but defended it, saying it stems from "a capacity issue" that can prevent detention centers from accepting detainees when their 72-hour clock ticks down. "If the transportation system is overloaded or there's no room at Krome … that's when it backs up and they have to put them into the IGSA jails" such as Orange, Gualtieri said. Gualtieri serves on Florida's Immigration Enforcement Council, which has sounded an alarm that federal detention space can't keep up with the pace at which Florida law enforcement agencies are arresting undocumented immigrants. The board has called on the federal government to allow more local jails to house detainees, rather than send them to the seven jails in Florida with IGSA agreements while they await ICE detention. Copyright (C) 2025, Tribune Content Agency, LLC. Portions copyrighted by the respective providers.