logo
India's millions of jobseekers are short on skills

India's millions of jobseekers are short on skills

Deccan Herald4 days ago
By Mihir SharmaIndia's destiny for centuries to come will be determined by the young people joining its workforce today. A few years ago — in 2019, by some calculations — the country entered the most favorable stage of its demographic transition. There are more working-age people than those over 65 or under 16. This will be true for another three or so decades; if India doesn't grow rich in that period, then the chances are it will stay poor forever.That's a great responsibility for this generation — and one it can only fulfill if it the right jobs are available, allowing them to increase their productivity and grow incomes. But those don't seem to exist. India's growth numbers may appear comfortable, but that isn't being accompanied by an expansion of employment. There are no reliable statistics on joblessness rates — and these are deceptive in poorer countries anyway. But scenes like those in 2022, when 12.5 million candidates applied for 35,000 junior positions in Indian Railways and then rioted over the selection process illustrate the scale of the challenge.Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government knows that this is a problem. Which is why this month his cabinet agreed to begin a new 'employment-linked incentive' program for companies. Federal finances will pay a month's worth of social security, and give employers 3,000 rupees (about $35) every month for every new employee they hire. This subsidy will last for two years — or four, if the company in question is in the manufacturing sector, which is a state favorite. These aren't big numbers, but the government nevertheless insists the handouts will create millions of new jobs..A looming dairy drought will stunt the world's growth.I'm a bit more skeptical. It may result in some jobs that wouldn't otherwise exist, but this sort of program assumes the main constraint that potential hirers have to deal with is their wage bill. That doesn't seem to be the case. More often than not, what employers complain about is that there are too few people to hire.That's an odd thing to hear in the world's most-populous country. What that statement actually means is that companies can't find enough reliable, skilled workers to fill entry- or middle-level positions. This is particularly true in the manufacturing sector that the government is so determined to support. The problem isn't that Indian workers are $35 a month too expensive; the problem is that there are too few of them with the talents that employers want. That's what Modi needs to address.One major problem is the educational system. Primary schooling is particularly bad. It may already be too late for the generation currently entering the workforce, but fixing schools should be a priority anyway. The most reliable school survey has found that only one of every four third-graders can do simple tasks, like subtraction, that they should have learned in second grade. The gap between curriculum and achievement widens as they head into high school. If a large part of the workforce struggles with basic numeracy, then it might be too much to expect them to be hired for skilled manufacturing jobs.If formal education isn't working well, then India's network of vocational and technical schools should have picked up the slack. Unfortunately, those are even worse. The skills they teach are out of touch with the private sector's needs. Most don't even have active placement cells to connect their graduates with possible employers. According to the government's official think tank, less than 0.1% of the hundreds of thousands trained in Industrial Training Institutes were recorded as being placed in a company. But Indians have learned to live with public-sector dysfunction. Why don't they acquire the skills that would get them a private-sector job without the government's help?Partly because they don't see how it would make economic sense. The compressed wage structure means that the returns to education and skilling are far too low. That's really clear if you read the large-scale wage survey that the labor bureau conducts every few years. In the last iteration, it found that a skilled machinist in the automotive sector makes barely 20-25% more than an unskilled manual laborer in the same factory. That's not really enough of an incentive for most people to spend their time and money on vocational school.Perhaps young Indians might be more willing to take a few risks if the jobs they got later felt a bit more secure. They certainly try exceptionally hard for the few government or public-sector positions that are available. But those come with more job security, as well as health and other benefits. India's minimal social safety net means that private-sector employment doesn't pay enough to make up for how insecure they are.There's a lot else the government can and should be doing if it wants more people to be hired. It needs to provide the sort of safety net that encourages them to take the risk of investing in their own human capital. It needs to fix schooling, and make sure the next generation of workers are literate and numerate enough to learn quickly on the job. And it must find new ways of getting skills to the workforce — perhaps using digital methods. Giving companies a dollar or so a day is simply not enough to create the scale of employment that India needs to grow.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Watch: Gangaikonda Cholapuram: PM Modi to visit Rajendra Chola's lost capital
Watch: Gangaikonda Cholapuram: PM Modi to visit Rajendra Chola's lost capital

The Hindu

time11 minutes ago

  • The Hindu

Watch: Gangaikonda Cholapuram: PM Modi to visit Rajendra Chola's lost capital

On July 27, Prime Minister Narendra Modi will visit Gangaikonda Cholapuram in Tamil Nadu's Ariyalur district. This town, a few kilometres away from the Kollidam River, is steeped in history. A thousand years ago, it was the capital of a global empire— one that sent its navies across the Indian Ocean and built monuments to last the ages. Gangaikonda Cholapuram was established by King Rajendra Chola I (1012–1044 CE), the son of the legendary Rajaraja Chola, to mark a triumphant military expedition to the Gangetic plains. The campaign lasted less than two years. To mark this victory, Rajendra shifted the capital from Thanjavur to the newly established city: Gangaikonda Cholapuram, which means, 'the city of the Chola who conquered the Ganga.' The city boasted grand markets and a sprawling palace said to cover 60 acres. Today, other than the temple, little of that remains. Remnants of the palace were found at Maligaimedu (the mound of the palace), just two kilometres behind the famous Brihadeeswarar Temple. The temple is a replica of the Thanjavur Big Temple. The outer wall was demolished by the British to build the Lower Kollidam Anaicut. Much of the temple's granite sculptures were dismantled, and the wall was almost entirely destroyed to obtain construction materials. When locals resisted the demolition, a promise was made to replace it with a brick wall. Despite the destruction, the temple remains a masterclass in Chola architecture. Its sculptures are both intricate and unique. Around the temple are ruins of smaller shrines, broken down to build the dam. A few kilometres behind the temple lies the Chola Gangam lake, dug by Rajendra Chola. Once, it stretched 25 km and brought water from the Kollidam to the palace and city. Now, it is dry, cracked, and a shadow of its past. The canals that fed it are long gone. It relies solely on rainwater and is dry for most of the year. Four days after The Hindu's report on the derelict state of the lake, the Tamil Nadu government, earlier this week, has promised to restore this 1000-year-old lake at a cost of ₹12 crore. PM Modi's visit during the Aadi Thiruvadhirai festival, which marks the birth anniversary of Rajendra Chola, once again throws a spotlight on this once-mighty seat of power. Locals hope the visit will draw the nation's attention to this historical town. The Chola emperor's capital city may be in ruins — but its story still stands, carved in stone, waiting to be told. Credits: Reporting: B. Kolappan Camera: Jothi Ramalingam B. M. Moorthy Voiceover: Sharmada Venkatasubramanian Production: V. Nivedita

From aspiration to agency: India redefines its global role
From aspiration to agency: India redefines its global role

First Post

time11 minutes ago

  • First Post

From aspiration to agency: India redefines its global role

India seems to have resolved a complex arithmetic: diplomacy without submission, trade without compromising sovereignty, tech engagement that does not sacrifice agency, and multilateralism that negotiates interest, not ideology read more It is not the India of aspiration alone; it is the India of agency, reframing between autonomy and engagement, between principle and pragmatism. File image/ AP In the rapidly shifting global political architecture, few nations stand at as pivotal a juncture as India, caught in the confluence of normative aspirations, strategic autonomy, economic opportunity, and diplomatic realignment. From international tech rule‑setting to high‑stakes trade negotiations, from balancing sanctions pressure to recalibrating relations with China, the past few weeks have made clear that it's India's real moment. This is not mere reactivity but about India stepping forward to set the narrative, even under the weight of great power tensions and domestic imperatives. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Take the sharp warning from Nato Secretary‑General Mark Rutte, a diplomatic salvo that carries real consequences. In statements delivered in Washington and to Congress, Rutte emphasised that 'secondary sanctions', including tariffs up to 100 per cent, could be deployed against major economies like India, China, and Brazil should they continue to trade with Russia. The intent: leverage global economic ties to pressure Moscow toward a peace settlement over Ukraine. The declaration is a clear signal that India's commercial engagements are being scrutinised through the lens of Western security priorities. Delhi's swift rebuke, citing 'double standards' and asserting its sovereign right to conduct its trade, reveals India's determination to resist external dictates, even as it shoulders the complexity of geopolitical entanglements. Yet, this episode does not simply reflect Indian defiance. Rather, it underscores a rare and consequential exercise of normative sovereignty. India is not tethered to any bloc; it takes pride in being a multi-aligned and principled actor. Domestic energy security demands, its long‑standing commitment to global South solidarity, and cautious calibration with both West and East place it in a strategic sweet spot or jeopardy, depending on perspective. When Rutte urged these countries to 'make the phone call to Vladimir Putin' or face sanctions, he emphasised pressure, but India refused to be boxed into Western frameworks, opting instead for a calibrated diplomacy. This is not a retreat; this is self‑definition in action. World Trade Organisation (WTO) reform, gaining traction ahead of the Cameroon Ministerial, is another arena where India is quietly influencing multilateral rules. Talks now hinge on thorny compromises: easing 'consensus' gridlocks, demanding proof for industrial subsidies, and revisiting the special status of countries like India and China. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Pushed by the US and Europe to revive a stalled WTO, these shifts could undermine developing country carve-outs. While India remains restrained, its backroom diplomacy is active. The challenge lies in securing meaningful exceptions without stalling reform, testing not just India's trade stance but also its broader role in global rule-making. This is more about realigning trade with development than resistance. At the same time, New Delhi finds itself on the cusp of a potentially transformative bilateral trade agreement with the US, ahead of a hard August 1 US tariff deadline. An article of faith in India's political economy has been bilateralism as an antidote to protectionism, and Washington has signalled expansiveness: from high‑tech to supply‑chain resilience. Yet this is no yawning liberal fixture; it is a negotiation circumscribed by domestic concerns on both fronts. For India, offering tariff concessions or regulatory liberalisation might invite debate around industrial policy and food sovereignty; for the US, access to Indian markets must be matched by deeper procurement commitments and intellectual property standards. If last week's Nato‑sanctions episode underscores Indian autonomy, this trade narrative highlights its readiness to play a constructive, collaborative role, so long as reciprocity and national interest underpin any deal. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Meanwhile, India's pivot toward China, marked by Jaishankar's first visit to Beijing since the 2020 standoff, is a calculated move. At the SCO summit, his meeting with Wang Yi focused on de-escalation, a border resolution, and reviving trade minus 'restrictive measures'. China called normalisation 'hard-won', underscoring mutual interest in quiet diplomacy and regional stability. Beneath the optics, India is asserting agency: addressing boundary disputes, restoring critical supply chains, and preserving open trade. It's a calibrated framework—friendship without illusion, cooperation without compulsion. Now, juxtapose these developments with India's stealth campaign in global AI norm‑setting. While less visible to the world's press, New Delhi has been earnest, partaking actively in the Unesco‑led 2025 AI Action Summit and championing inclusive, transparent, and sustainable AI frameworks. Internally, the government's Shinrin hush, its hallmark IndiaAI mission, has enabled the creation of the India AI Safety Institute and the public‑sector BharatGen model, announced earlier this year. This reflects a coherent, outward‑looking narrative: one where India is not merely a consumer of Western AI but a producer and ethical interlocutor in its own right, framing a normative trajectory for the Global South. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This junction of AI, trade, sanctions, and diplomacy reveals an Indian posture defined by complexity rather than simplification. India is neither a protectable emerging market nor a fearful collateral of competition; it is instead a multifaceted actor shaping its lane, steering norms, and anticipating friction. If India is being squeezed by trade reform at the WTO, by diplomatic pressure over Russia, and by bilateral negotiations with large economies, it is responding with a choreography of normative offers, negotiation discipline, and diplomatic nuance. Strategic autonomy is no longer a slogan; it is a tactical posture. India's message comes across loud and clear: we will trade responsibly, not opportunistically; we will engage in global initiatives, not deflect them; we will assert our interests, not surrender them. This posture is especially critical because India's multilateral footprint is expanding with institution‑shaping spaces. In 2025, it has convinced even sceptics that its voice is consequential and its initiatives, from AI safety to trade alliances, are worth centralising. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD None of this is without strain. The geo‑economic environment is a maze of competing pressures: pressure to align with Western sanctions regimes, to commit to bilateral trade deals, to accelerate AI governance, and to stabilise border diplomacies. But India seems to have resolved a complex arithmetic: diplomacy that does not buy influence with submission, trade that does not cost sovereignty, tech engagement that does not sacrifice agency, and multilateralism that negotiates interest, not ideology. The key test lies ahead: can India engineer a degree of coherence across ministries, Commerce, Finance, External Affairs, and IT? Can it manage stakeholder friction between business communities aligned to greenhouse tech corridors and those tied to legacy energy relations with Russia? Can it maintain credibility on the world stage while cultivating domestic legitimacy? These questions are not rhetorical; they are strategic deadlines directed at policymaking systems, where alignment and execution define success. Ultimately, this is more than policy choreography; it is India redefining its global centre of gravity. When the US Congress debates whether India is aligned enough to merit exemption from sanctions, Delhi's internal coordination across diplomatic, economic, and strategic lines becomes part of its national security calculus. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD When WTO multilateralism teeters, India can offer constructive reform, leadership or resistance. When AI norm debates emerge, India doesn't merely have a seat; it has proposals. India projects the kind of policy confidence few states of its standing enjoy. India stands assertive, multi‑alignment‑centric, normatively engaged, and institutionally responsive. It is not the India of aspiration alone; it is the India of agency, reframing between autonomy and engagement, between principle and pragmatism. Amal Chandra is an author, political analyst and columnist. He posts on 'X' at @ens_socialis. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.

Tata Harrier.EV: Waiting Periods Revealed, Check Variant-wise List Here
Tata Harrier.EV: Waiting Periods Revealed, Check Variant-wise List Here

News18

time20 minutes ago

  • News18

Tata Harrier.EV: Waiting Periods Revealed, Check Variant-wise List Here

Last Updated: The has been launched in India at the starting price of Rs 21.49 lakh, while the top model goes up to Rs 30.23 lakh. Ever since the Tata Harrier electric arrived in the Indian market, the model has somehow hooked the audience in no time. The soaring demand somehow listed the product in the top category, pushing the waiting period further across the trims. In case you are confused about the Tata Harrier EV's waiting period, and have no idea how much the company can force you to wait. Do not worry, we have got your back. In this article, we have listed all the trims and their waiting period. Tata Harrier Waiting Period According to the reports, the base model seems to have a massive waiting period up to 30 weeks (seven months) in major cities like Delhi, Mumbai, and Bangalore. When it comes the variants like Adventure and Fearless+, these trims fall on the longest waiting periods, which go up to 28-30 weeks. Model Wise Details Price Range Meanwhile, the has been launched in India at the starting price of Rs 21.49 lakh, while the top model goes up to Rs 30.23 lakh. The Rear Wheel Drive (RWD) trims can cost up to Rs Rs 27.49 lakh, while the QWD variants can be purchased at Rs 28.99 lakh (all ex-showroom). view comments First Published: July 26, 2025, 17:19 IST Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store