
Seattle airport traffic is a work of art
Seattle-Tacoma International Airport might be best known for its crowds and connections, but look a little closer, and you'll see sky traffic turn into art.
Driving the news: James Reid, a 25-year-old software developer who lives in southeast England, turns flight tracking information into sleek visual displays of takeoffs and landings at major airports.
What they're saying: An aviation buff with a pilot's license, Reid said that Sea-Tac traffic follows the general pattern of other American airports, but is also unique.

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Atlantic
2 hours ago
- Atlantic
A Reboot for Capitalism's Operating System
The world economy is like a supercomputer that churns through trillions of calculations of prices and quantities, and spits out information on incomes, wealth, profits, and jobs. This is effectively how capitalism works—as a highly efficient information-processing system. To do that job, like any computer, capitalism runs on both hardware and software. The hardware is the markets, institutions, and regulatory regimes that make up the economy. The software is the governing economic ideas of the day—in essence, what society has decided the economy is for. Most of the time, the computer works quite well. But now and then, it crashes. Usually when that happens, the world economy just needs a software update—new ideas to address new problems. But sometimes it needs a major hardware modification as well. We are in one of those Control-Alt-Delete moments. Against the background of tariff wars, market angst about U.S. debt, tumbling consumer confidence, and a weakening dollar watched over by a heedless administration, globalization's American-led era of free trade and open societies is coming to a close. The global economy is getting a hardware refit and trying out a new operating system—in effect, a full reboot, the likes of which we have not seen in nearly a century. To understand why this is happening and what it means, we need to abandon any illusion that the worldwide turn toward right-wing populism and economic nationalism is merely a temporary error, and that everything will eventually snap back to the relatively benign world of the late 1990s and early 2000s. The computer's architecture is changing, but how this next version of capitalism will work depends a great deal on the software we choose to run on it. The governing ideas about the economy are in flux: We have to decide what the new economic order looks like and whose interests it will serve. The last such force-quit, hard-restart period was in the 1930s. In the United States, the huge liquidity crunch caused by the 1929 Wall Street crash combined with the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930 to kill commercial activity and trigger the Great Depression. Bank failures swiftly turned into a mass failure of firms and industries; wages tumbled and unemployment shot up, in some areas to a quarter of the workforce. Despite the state interventions of Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal program, the economic situation stabilized and returned to sustained growth only in the '40s, when wartime re-armament delivered a huge industrial stimulus. The computer built for the postwar period was solving to avoid a repeat of the '30s. The software update was a new governing idea of full employment. Achieving that aim as the central raison d'être of the economy also entailed several hardware modifications. One was a policy of forcing wealth owners to use their capital locally by limiting their ability to move it out of the country. To maintain their profits, they were obliged to invest in technology that would increase productivity. In this virtuous cycle, high productivity allowed for high wages, which the state could then tax to fund social transfers. Combined with the government-spending power of revenues raised by high marginal taxes, America's welfare state was born. Labor unions were seen more as partners in business enterprises, and political parties needed to appeal to the median, middle-income voter. These changes produced a political system in which the two main parties competed over a centrist consensus so bipartisan that people struggled to see the difference between Democrats and Republicans. The New Deal did indeed avoid a repeat of the '30s, but its software had a bug. If full employment meant running the economy hot to keep unemployment down, then eventually employers' ability to keep their profits up by augmenting productivity would fail as workers' demand for higher wages outstripped firms' ability to pay them. By the mid-'70s, profits were falling as wages and inflation rose, so the U.S. investor class reached for the reboot switch. Holders of capital founded political-action committees, funded think tanks and media outlets to promote free enterprise, and helped get Ronald Reagan elected in 1980. Reagan busted unions and deregulated markets, accelerating the movement of capital from union strongholds to 'right to work' states, which was effectively an onshore tryout of offshoring. Simultaneously, the Federal Reserve under Paul Volcker raised interest rates to almost 20 percent to squeeze inflation, a measure that induced a harsh recession, which disciplined labor further by raising unemployment. As all of that implies, full employment ceased to be the governing economic idea. The software rewrite of this era instead made price stability, capital mobility, and the restoration of profits via globalization the new priorities. The hardware modification was to make central banks more independent—the better to enforce price stability and enable the recovery of profits. These new priorities were justified by Margaret Thatcher's famous nostrum that 'there is no alternative.' This reboot has come to be known as neoliberalism. The computer was humming along again when I arrived from Scotland to attend graduate school in New York in the summer of 1992. The U.S. had entered a period that Ben Bernanke, then a Federal Reserve governor (and later Fed chair), called the 'Great Moderation.' Globalization was good; finance was the future. Central banks had delivered sustainable prosperity, and the investor class saw its profits restored on a transnational scale. Once again, however, the system had a bug. The increase in profitability came not only as a result of improved domestic productivity but also at the expense of once-stable industrial regions of the U.S., as jobs, skills, and capital flowed out. Meanwhile, the authorities had presided over the deregulation of financial markets, which supplied the economy with copious credit. But one effect of this credit was to mask a chronic lack of wage growth and a rising level of inequality. That turned out to be a major hardware issue: Neoliberalism's financialized solutions to economic problems became liabilities when the next crash came, in 2008, as a tsunami of credit became an earthquake of debt. The hardware modification of the era—independent central banks—saved the system with colossal bailouts of the private sector, paid for by the public sector in the form of ever greater debt and more stringent fiscal policies. This liquidity dump enabled the economy to stagger on through the slowest-ever recovery from a recession—but only by pushing the bulk of the costs of those bailouts onto those least able to bear them. Signs of profound public disaffection in Western countries started to show in 2016: first with the Brexit vote in the United Kingdom, then with Donald Trump's rise in the U.S. Trump has acted as a catalyst for the next reboot. His hostile takeover of the Republican Party was leveraged by a new, more working-class electoral coalition based on a populist politics of resentment. His antipathy toward China may lack analysis, but by articulating a sense that American workers had lost out in the neoliberal era, it gave voice to authentic grievance. Trump's chaotic first term made only limited progress in forcing another reboot, but his second term seems likely to foreclose on the Biden administration's interim solution of keeping the neoliberal system running with a limited New Deal–like reindustrialization in new sectors such as renewable energy. The Inflation Reduction Act was a significant reinvention of industrial policy, something not seen for decades outside a national-security context, but Trump is abandoning this sort of intervention. Instead, he has chosen tariffs as his singular tool for reshoring industry. To the extent that the Trumpian approach coheres, the economy's new goal is to benefit native workers by restoring carbon-heavy industrial jobs while removing immigrants from the labor pool and encouraging women to have more children and become homemakers. This is not so much the building of a new computer system as the retrofitting of several old ones—a version of what a critic of Thatcherism once called ' regressive modernisation.' The MAGA economic ideal derives from a blend of the 1950s, which saw a huge expansion of manufacturing jobs for men, and the '40s, when women were pushed out of the wartime jobs and back into the home, and immigration was tightly restricted. This boost for the native labor force is in turn yoked to a 19th-century, mercantilist 'spheres of influence' foreign policy. This hodgepodge of historical impulses speaks to the unsettled nature of Trumponomics. No new economic order is discernible, because the governing idea is still contested. The national-conservative movement, which seeks to rebrand the GOP as a workers' party, has one vision, but other forces are also trying to shape this moment. The 'Dark Enlightenment' wing of the tech sector is a player, too. Overinvested in AI and keen to grab government funding that was earmarked for elite research universities, the Silicon Valley billionaires imagine an economy that runs not as a return to hard-hat industry's glorious past but as a posthuman future of automation and space exploration. The problem with such projects is that we cannot go back, any more than we can leap into the future; we can live only in the present. The populist-right reset will fail because tariffs may spur some reindustrialization, but robots will be the main producers, not working-class men on an assembly line. And little suggests that most women will relish the return to hearth and home that is planned for them. The techno-futurist update has nothing to offer the great mass of humanity and would benefit only the tech lords most invested in its realization. So we seem to be stuck, which is why this moment is so perplexing. The system upgrade is pending: The right is offering its regressive modernization as the update. The left has yet to figure out which one of three paths it wants to take. One possibility is to stay put with the gerontocracy of the Democratic Party and wait for Trumpism to implode. That might happen, and the Democrats' current position as the party of the institutionalist status quo makes this the most likely path. But this will be a losing proposition if no reversion to the mean of the pre-MAGA American politics occurs. The effort by Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Senator Bernie Sanders to rally an anti-oligarchy movement advocates for a second option, of left-wing populism. But whether this appeals to young men who have been drawn to Trump, as well as young women who poll as more progressive, and can create a broad-enough coalition remains to be seen. A third approach is the 'abundance' agenda, promoted recently by Ezra Klein and The Atlantic 's Derek Thompson, which proposes a progressive political program based on lower-regulation, pro-growth policies as a spark for renewed economic growth—though critics on the left accuse this approach of failing to confront corporate power. To develop an alternative to the regressive modernization underpinning Trump's reelection, the left must come up with a governing economic idea that can compete. Technocratic fixes of the old system look very unlikely to inspire a broad-enough coalition to defeat the potent, if unstable, electoral alliance that reelected Trump. The most promising avenue—one that could address the needs of millions of Americans who feel shut out of growth and prosperity and alienated from America's governing elite—might be a fusion of AOC/Bernie populism with a more political, less technocratic version of abundance. Regardless of whether such a project can materialize, we have to accept that a transformation is under way. A new economic order is forming—which means that it is not yet fixed and can still be shaped. But time is running out. As jumbled as the regressive modernization is, it could win the day if we do not come up with a different governing idea of what the economy is and whom it is for. And we need enough people in our democracy to agree that this new purpose is the right one. The ideas are there to be found. They just need politicians with the courage to try them.
Yahoo
3 hours ago
- Yahoo
American Airlines operations returning to normal after widespread computer outage
American Airlines suffered a widespread outage with its flight information computer system, authorities with two affected airports told CNN. In a statement to CNN, American Airlines said a 'technology issue' was 'affecting connectivity' for some of its systems. 'We are working with our partners to fully resolve the issue,' the airline said. 'Though we are experiencing delays as a result, we have not canceled any flights at this time.' A source from one affected airport told CNN the airline had sent messages indicating problems for at least two hours with the system that handles flight bookings, check-in, ticketing and baggage tagging, along with other functions. The source said American sent communications just before 2:45 p.m. ET stating the systems were coming back online and to expect 'slight delays as they work towards normal operations.' Airport officials at Miami International Airport said they were notified about the problem just after 2 p.m. Friday. 'We have been just notified about that. We're waiting to hear if any sites have been impacted yet,' said Greg Chin, communications director at Miami International Airport. The full impacts on flights and passengers were not yet clear Friday afternoon. One passenger in Arizona told CNN he was stuck on an airplane before takeoff. 'The flight was supposed to takeoff at 10:22 (a.m. MT), the app now says 11:30 (a.m. MT), but that's just a place holder. Pilot came on and said that AA's electronic maintenance system is down and they can't input whatever work was done on the plane and then accept it so therefore we're stuck until that system comes back up,' Jason Hass said. A passenger in Charlotte who was scheduled to leave at 1 p.m., told CNN they were about to take off just before 3 p.m. The passenger, John Noona, told CNN airline officials said the 'main system' had gone down. He added he had been stuck on the ground for nearly two hours. The Federal Aviation Administration, as well as officials at airports in Chicago and Dallas, referred questions to the airline. More than 40% of American Airlines flights were delayed Friday, and 7% were canceled, according to FlightAware's flight data tracker. Delayed flights for American's wholly-owned subsidiary PSA Airlines also topped 40%, and 21% of its flights were canceled. 'We apologize to our customers for their experience,' the airline said in a statement. This story has been updated with additional information. CNN's Ed Lavandera, Bill Kirkos and Sarah Dewberry contributed to this report.


Tom's Guide
3 hours ago
- Tom's Guide
How to watch Jake Paul vs Julio Cesar Chavez Jr: live stream boxing today, PPV price, start time, TV channel, fight card
The Jake Paul vs Julio Cesar Chavez Jr live stream from Honda Center, in Anaheim, is a cruiserweight contest that is typically dripping in narrative. Paul, aka the Problem Child, is starting to make a name for himself in the squared circle and plenty think he'll get a world ranking with a win. Chavez Jr, from boxing royalty, won't let him have it all his own way, though — and you can watch Paul vs Chavez Jr live streams from anywhere with a VPN. ► Date: Saturday, June 28, 2025► Main card: 8 p.m. ET / 5 p.m. PT / 1 a.m. BST (Sun.) / 10 a.m. AEDT (Sun.).► Paul vs Chavez Jr (approx.): 11 p.m. ET / 8 p.m. PT / 4 a.m. BST (Sat) / 1 p.m. AEST (Sun.).• U.S. PPV — DAZN • U.K. PPV — DAZN • Watch abroad — try NordVPN 100% risk-free Paul wants to be considered a boxer more than his next breath. And the former Disney star and YouTuber is making a pretty decent fist of it, too, his most recent win against former world heavyweight champion Mike Tyson making plenty sit up and take note. WBC president Mauricio Sulaiman has said the Problem Child deserves a world ranking if he beats Chavez Jr and such is Paul's pulling power a cruiserweight world title fight isn't out of the question. Chavez Jr, though, will be desperate to win. The son of three-weight former world champion Julio Cesar Chavez Sr, the 39-year-old brings a wealth of experience to go with the family name. Junior also held the WBC world middleweight title between 2011 and 2012, has good hand speed and a solid defense. Frustrate Paul and there will be openings for him. Check out all the need-to-know information on how to watch Paul vs Chavez Jr live streams below, plus a stacked undercard – in the U.S. or abroad. Away from home at the moment and blocked from watching the Jake Paul vs Julio Cesar Chavez Jr fight on your usual streaming service? You can still watch Paul vs Chavez Jr on it thanks to the wonders of a VPN (Virtual Private Network). The software allows your devices to appear to be back in your home country regardless of where in the world you are. So ideal for boxing fans away on vacation or on business. We think NordVPN is the best VPN on the market right now. NordVPN deal: FREE $50 / £50 Amazon gift card Boasting lightning fast speeds, great features, streaming power, and class-leading security, NordVPN is our #1 VPN. ✅ FREE Amazon gift card worth up to $50/£50✅ 4 months extra FREE!✅ 76% off usual price Use Nord to unblock your boxing streams and watch Paul vs Chavez Jr live online with our exclusive deal. Using a VPN is incredibly simple. 1. Install the VPN of your choice. As we've said, NordVPN is our favorite. 2. Choose the location you wish to connect to in the VPN app. For instance, if you're away from the U.S. and want to view your usual American service, you'd select U.S. from the list. 3. Sit back and enjoy the action. Head to a service listed below that's showing the fight and tune in just like you would at home. Americans can watch the Jake Paul vs Julio Cesar Chavez Jr live streams via DAZN PPV. The PPV cost is $59.99. There's also a bundle PPV package available with the Oleksandr Usyk vs Daniel Dubois 2 fight from Wembley, London, U.K., on Saturday, July 19, or The Ring III - Edgar Berlanga vs. Hamzah Sheeraz & Shakur Stevenson vs. William Zepeda (July 12). For $94.99, you get access to both Paul vs Chavez Jr and one of those fights mentioned above, depending on your preference. You must also have a regular DAZN subscription to watch all the action unfold. DAZN prices start from $19.99 a month on a 12-month contract or $224.99 if you pay for a year up front. There is also a month-by-month flexible option for $29.99. Every option comes with a 7-day free trial, cancel any time. If you're an American stuck abroad, and want to tune into the Paul vs Chavez Jr live stream on your usual DAZN account, get yourself a VPN such as NordVPN. DAZN is home to some of the biggest showdowns in boxing and beyond — and this is just the beginning. If you're a fan of live sports, especially boxing or pool, a DAZN subscription is a must-have. The streaming service is available on the best streaming devices, including Amazon Fire TV, Roku, Apple tvOS, Chromecast and most smart TVs. The Paul vs Chavez Jr live stream, plus the undercard, is available on DAZN in the U.K.. The DAZN PPV costs £24.99. The same multi-flight deal applies across the pond as well, with U.K. customers pricing beginning at £39.99. Remember, you also need a DAZN subscription, available with a free 7-day trial that can be canceled at any time. When the trial ends, DAZN costs £14.99 a month on a 12-month contract, or £24.99 month-to-month. An annual subscription will cost £119.99 in the U.K. DAZN subscribers in the U.K. that have a HD-enabled Sky box can register to watch the fight on DAZN 1 HD on channel 429 on Sky here. Traveling away from the U.K.? Watch Paul vs Chavez Jr online as usual with a VPN, such as NordVPN. DAZN Canada is showing the Paul vs Chavez Jr fight in Canada for a PPV fee of $59.99. The same bundle applies in Canada as the U.S. which you can buy for $94.99. Don't forget that you will need to buy a usual subscription with prices beginning at $24.99 - buy now and you will be good to go to watch the 2025-26 Champions League as well. Outside the Great White North for the big fight? You'll need to get yourself a good streaming VPN, such as NordVPN so that you can catch your stream as usual. Let's not forget about boxing fans Down Under, too. The Paul vs Chavez Jr live stream follows the lead of other countries around the world in that it is also via DAZN. In Australia the PPV fee comes in at AU$49.99. If you want the aforementioned bundles, it'll set you back AU$65.99. You'll need to buy a subscription too, with prices starting at $13.99 for a 12-month contract, but a seven-day free trial is available to DAZN newbies. Alternatively, you can watch as a one-off PPV on Kayo Sports Main Event. It costs AU$49.95. Those not in Australia can unblock your usual stream with NordVPN. For New Zealand boxing fans wanting to catch the Paul vs Chavez fight, it's DAZN again, with a PPV cost of NZ$49.99. For the Kiwis, a monthly subscription to the streaming service costs NZ$14.99, but you can get a free 7-day trial if you only want to watch Paul vs Chavez Jr. Remember, if you're away from NZ at the moment, you might want to consider subscribing to NordVPN so you can catch all your streams as you usually would. For more or less every other country around the world (up to 200 of them, in fact) it's DAZN again for a Paul vs Chavez Jr live stream, with the vast majority of non-subscribers getting a 7-day free trial to the platform. Visit this handy DAZN guide to tell you how much the PPV is in your country. Remember, if you're away from home at the minute, you'll need to get yourself a VPN, such as NordVPN so that you can stream all the boxing. No, there are no free Paul vs Chavez Jr live streams. You'll need to pay for the PPV to watch the action as it happens. To be fair it's pretty reasonably priced for a huge boxing bout, and if you buy from DAZN you get a 7-day free trial included in the price. Just remember to cancel before the 7 days are up else you will be charged for a monthly subscription. Jake Paul Julio Cesar Chavez Jr Nationality U.S. Mexican Date of birth January 17, 1997 February 16, 1986 Height 6' 1" 6' 0" Reach 76" 73" Total fights 12 62 Record 11-1 (7 KOs) 54-6-1-1 (34 KOs) Zurdo Ramirez is the biggest name on the undercard as he defends his WBA and WBO cruiserweight world titles against Yuniel Dorticos. Expect Paul to calling Zurdo out if he wins later in the night. We test and review VPN services in the context of legal recreational uses. For example: 1. Accessing a service from another country (subject to the terms and conditions of that service). 2. Protecting your online security and strengthening your online privacy when abroad. We do not support or condone the illegal or malicious use of VPN services. Consuming pirated content that is paid-for is neither endorsed nor approved by Future Publishing.