As Indo-Pak border tensions escalate, summer vacations of govt-run schools in Bengal extended
'Considering the present situation, it has been decided that the summer vacation in the primary/upper primary/secondary/higher secondary schools including the schools in the Hill Subdivisions of Darjeeling and Kalimpong District has been extended upto 31st May, 2025 The schools will reopen on 2 June, 2025 (Monday),' the notification stated.
Schools under the West Bengal Board of Primary Education were to stay closed from May 2 to May 12, while schools under the West Bengal Board of Secondary Education were to remain closed from May 12 to May 23.
The extension applies to all government-run primary, upper primary, secondary and higher secondary schools.
Due to the heat wave in the state, summer vacations had been preponed from April 30. The extension to the vacations has sparked concerns about whether or not the syllabus will be completed in time, especially for higher secondary students following a semester system. The first semester Class XII exams are scheduled in September.
On Wednesday, Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee had urged private English-medium schools in the state to declare summer vacations from May 9, citing the escalating tensions between India and Pakistan following the launch of Operation Sindoor. She had clarified that this was not an official order, but a request to the management of private schools.
Banerjee issued the appeal just hours after the Indian armed forces launched missile strikes on nine sites in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, targeting terrorist infrastructure, in retaliation for the Pahalgam terror attack that claimed 26 lives on April 22.
On the same day, four private schools in Kolkata had conducted evacuation drills to assess their emergency preparedness amid the heightened security concerns. The drills, conducted by National Cadet Corps (NCC) units, involved students practising rapid evacuation, assembling in safe zones, and returning to classrooms after an all-clear signal.
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Business Standard
12 minutes ago
- Business Standard
India reacts with outrage to Trump's tariff hike, 'dead' economy remarks
India is hardly alone in facing Trump's trade wrath - and not the subject to the very highest rates - but the news left business and political leaders wondering how to cope with the fallout Bloomberg By Satviki Sanjay and Swati Gupta Shock, dismay and angst swept across India as businesses, policymakers and citizens digested US President Donald Trump's sharp remarks and a surprise 25 per cent tariff rate earlier this week. While Indian government officials weighed a response and business groups tallied the cost of the trade barrier, the local social media flared up with users protesting Trump's comments and criticizing Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi for not speaking up. It started with Trump saying that India's trade barriers were the 'most strenuous and obnoxious,' in a Truth Social post July 30. He added the US may also impose a penalty for New Delhi's purchase of Russian weapons and energy. Less than a day later, he ripped into India again for aligning with Russia, calling them 'dead economies' in another post. I don't think any head of state has insulted India as Trump does. I don't know how @narendramodi calls him a friend and doesn't speak up. Tariffs, penalties, and saying 'I don't care what India does with Russia. They can take their dead economies down together, for all I care. — Maheshwer Peri (@maheshperi) July 31, 2025 With no imminent trade deal, the 25 per cent tariffs kicked in as of Friday. India is hardly alone in facing Trump's trade wrath — and not the subject to the very highest rates — but the news left business and political leaders wondering how to cope with the fallout. 'Blunt-Force' Message 'Overnight, the US-India trade equation shifted from tense to turbulent,' said Akshat Garg, assistant vice president at Choice Wealth, a Mumbai based financial services firm. 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'It is a storm in the India-US relationship at this moment but I think there's a good chance that it will go away,' Vivek Mishra, deputy director of the Strategic Studies Programme at Delhi based Observer Researcher Foundation, told Bloomberg News. Indian business and trade groups are supporting the government's stance on the deal as the negotiations for a US-India trade deal continue. Negotiating Tactic Jewelry businesses 'are worried but they are not panicking' because they hope a more favorable deal can be worked out, said Ray of the gems export body. 'The negotiation that should be happening should be a win-win, not a win-lose.' The abrupt announcement by Trump over social media when negotiations with India were ongoing 'seems like a knee-jerk reaction,' according to Rohit Kumar, founding partner at public policy research firm The Quantum Hub. 'This appears to be a negotiating tactic aimed at unresolved discussion points,' Kumar said.
Mint
12 minutes ago
- Mint
India-US trade deal: Top five roadblocks that may arise after Trump's tariffs on India
India-US trade deal: Despite strong strategic ties, a comprehensive India-US trade deal remains elusive. The probability of getting it inked in the near term looks dicey after the imposition of Trump's tariffs on India. In retaliation, the Indian government is also considering levying a digital tax on US companies like Microsoft, Google, Meta, Amazon, etc. However, both countries, especially US President Donald Trump, remain committed to continuing talks for a possible India-US trade deal. According to experts, Trump's tariff on India is expected to hit Indian exports by $33 billion. The Indian government may compensate by imposing reciprocal taxes on US imports. They said the Indian government may think of reimposing digital tax on US companies after removing it from 1st April 2025. However, they maintained that after Trump's tariffs on India, the Narendra Modi government may go tough on the negotiations, especially on the US government's demand to provide Access to the Indian dairy and agriculture segment. They said that penalties on Russian crude oil imports, an unpredictable trade negotiation environment, mutual mistrust, etc., are some other roadblocks that may arise in the India-US trade deal after Trump's tariffs on India. Speaking on the roadblocks in the India-US trade deal, especially after Trump's tariffs on India, Utsav Verma, Head of Research — Institutional Equities at Choice Broking, said, "India-US trade negotiations are less about tariffs and more about reconciling fundamentally divergent policy philosophies. For any forward movement, establishing a permanent consultative mechanism, calibrated concessions in sensitive sectors, and depoliticized trade diplomacy are prerequisites." Verma said that future progress will likely depend on the outcome of upcoming leadership cycles, alignment on digital trade rules, and a reimagining of economic partnership beyond WTO-era thinking. "Biggest roadblock in the India-US trade deal post-imposition of Trump's tariffs on India is India's loss of around $33 billion in exports. To compensate for those losses, the Indian government may develop reciprocal taxes, which may become a roadblock in the India-US deal. The Indian government may go tough on the US demand for Access to the dairy and agriculture segment. At the same time, the US may not comply with the Indian demands on the Russian crude oil imports," said Avinash Gorakshkar, a SEBI-registered fundamental analyst. On the reciprocal taxes India may levy on the US, Avinash Gorakshkar said, "The way the US government has raised tariffs on Indian imports, the Indian government may also raise tariffs on US imports. They may also think of reimposing the digital tax on income from online digital advertisements from US companies. If they do so, it would be highly detrimental for US tech giants like Microsoft, Meta, Alphabet, Google, Amazon, etc." Experts said the most-awaited deal may face some major roadblocks, including mutual mistrust, an unpredictable negotiation environment, US demand for Access to the dairy and agriculture segment, strategic autonomy against geopolitical alignment, and a penalty on Russian crude oil imports. 1] Mutual mistrust: "India-US trade tensions have been shaped by over 90 WTO disputes since 1995 (WTO, 2024). The 2019 end of GSP benefits affected $5.6 billion in Indian exports (USTR, 2020). In 2024, the US reported a $27.4 billion trade deficit with India (US Census Bureau), fueling calls for better Access. India, however, sees these demands as imbalanced. A 2023 Brookings survey found only 41% of Indian policymakers viewed US trade policy as mutually beneficial. Still, trust has grown in defence, pharma, and tech. During COVID-19, both nations collaborated, and US FDI in India reached $8.3 billion in FY23 (DPIIT)," said Utsav Verma of Choice Broking. 2] Russian crude oil imports: "Even though Trump's tariffs have left Indo-Russian crude oil business untouched, the uncertainty around the implementation of penalties due to the import of Russian crude persists. Already, Indian refineries have started to reduce imports, which can increase the cost of crude and impact currency and inflation," said Vinod Nair, Head of Research at Geojit Investments. 3] Unpredictable negotiation environment: "US policy shifts—from Obama to Biden—have made trade negotiations volatile. Tariffs on steel (25%) and aluminium (10%), renewed in 2025, worsened uncertainty. Talks during 2023–25 were delayed thrice due to political cycles. Unlike the EU or ASEAN, India and the US lack a formal negotiation council. Utsav Verma said the Trade Policy Uncertainty Index rose 32% for India-US trade post-2022, compared to 18% for EU-US (EPU Project, 2024). 4] Access to dairy, agriculture segment: "Agriculture supports 58% of India's rural workforce (NABARD, 2023). Opening dairy markets could expose smallholders to subsidized US imports. The US seeks entry for poultry, corn, ethanol, and hormone-treated dairy, raising safety and religious concerns. India's average agri-tariffs stand at 39.5%, with bound rates at 113.1%, against the US's 5.4% (WTO, 2024). A NITI Aayog-CRISIL study shows a 10% US dairy entry could cut Indian prices by 17%. India exported $4.3 billion in agri-products to the US in FY24 but imported only $860 million (APEDA, 2024). Still, partnerships in agritech and sustainable farming—like joint ethanol blending and improved standards —suggest opportunities, said Verma. 5] Geopolitical divergence: Pointing towards the strategic autonomy against the geopolitical alignment, Utsav Verma of Choice Broking, said, "India's $10 billion defence ties with Russia challenge US alignment goals (SIPRI, 2024). India resists being cast solely as a counterweight to China and maintains sovereignty—as seen in its completion of the S-400 deal despite CAATSA threats. Defence trade with the US reached $20 billion in 2024 (US DoD), yet digital cooperation lags due to India's focus on data sovereignty. With elections looming (India in 2029, US in 2028), nationalism may complicate compromise. Nonetheless, shared interests in Indo-Pacific security, climate tech, and resilient supply chains provide buffers that keep strategic engagement intact." Disclaimer: The views and recommendations made above are those of individual analysts or broking companies, and not of Mint. We advise investors to check with certified experts before making any investment decisions.
Hindustan Times
12 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
Face to face: ‘Our family laws need to be in sync with global realities'
With a professional standing of over four decades, Anil Malhotra, 65, is a well regarded authority on the interplay of India's family laws and the international legal framework, a complex but crucial subject for 3.5 crore people of Indian origin abroad. His latest book, Practitioner's guide to international family law: An Indian perspective, is a treatise on a range of issues, including trans-border marriages, divorce, maintenance, child custody, surrogacy, adoption and inheritance. In an interaction with Hindustan Times, Malhotra delved into the challenges litigants, lawyers and courts face while navigating multi-jurisdictional family law matters, and advocated reforms to bridge the legal gaps in 'an increasingly interconnected and legally pluralistic world'. Edited excerpts: With a professional standing of over four decades, Anil Malhotra, 65, is a well regarded authority on the interplay of India's family laws and the international legal framework. (HT Photo) What was the guiding force for your latest book? The need to compile a ready reckoner that dealt with international law problems in the context of the Indian legal landscape on a daily basis led me to write my 10th book. It offers in-depth guidance on jurisdictional dilemmas, conflict of laws, and the recognition of foreign decrees under Indian law. How is the convergence and conflict in family laws abroad and in India impacting the diaspora on inheritance, child custody, divorce or separation, and adoption? Foreign court judgments are incompatible and are reviewed and tested afresh by Indian courts. This is because laws in different jurisdictions vary. In marriage and divorce, we follow religion-based law and in matters of child custody, we rely on an archaic The Guardians and Wards Act, 1890, and in case of succession and inheritance, we are guided by personal laws. There is a different viewpoint in respect of Indians even though they have acquired foreign nationality or citizenship. Their foreign domicile does not take away application of personal laws. So, there is an inconsistency because foreign countries take cognisance of their domicile in that country and then apply laws to them. This is not acceptable in Indian conditions. Cases of women marrying NRIs facing desertion or abuse are on the rise. Courts are struggling in such cases. What can be done? Difficulties come when there is an abandoned spouse or ill-maintained children deserted in Indian jurisdiction, or there is an Indian court order, which can't be executed abroad. We are still grappling to make laws. So, we resort to proceedings under the Domestic Violence Act. In maintenance proceedings, we take help under the CrPC. But these have also become instruments of misuse. So, it's just the innovation of the high courts and Supreme Court that methods are devised on a case-to-case basis to find a resolution. What challenges do NRIs face in marital disputes decided in foreign courts? The most common types of orders are orders of custody, visitation, access and return to home country abroad. India is not a signatory to the abduction convention, which has been signed by 110 countries. Hence, India does not follow foreign court orders. Instead, family courts or high courts examine the welfare of the child, which can be time-consuming due to which children suffer from alienation. India has to sign the convention on abduction which allows the free movement of children. We need to amend the Guardians and Wards Act and talk about joint parenting, shared custody and equal rights of both parents. Times have changed. There are working couples, sit-at-home fathers and other such categories. In an evolving society, we need to make changes in our laws. What changes are needed in Indian laws on domicile, inheritance, wills and succession issues for NRIs? The biggest challenge is when Indians migrate abroad, leaving behind properties/assets and later find it difficult to transfer. The best way to sort this out for an NRI or OCI is to make a separate will of Indian assets so that it goes through a will under the Indian Succession Act. Special courts are needed to deal with such cases on priority. Adoption is complex. What reforms are needed to help NRIs/foreigners? The Central Adoption Resource Authority (CARA), the nodal agency for adoptions of Indian children, is full of administrative people without judicial acumen. CARA is slow in processing applications of abandoned children despite the long waiting list of families looking to adopt them. The authority should be headed by a Supreme Court judge or high court chief justice to monitor its working. Surrogacy laws have undergone changes but are still complex. What more can be done to establish a robust legal framework? The law seems to be made to stop surrogacy rather than to facilitate it. A CARA-like institution should be created to determine the eligibility of a person keen on surrogacy, to check their antecedents, ensure welfare of the children and ascertain whether it is being done without any consideration. Instead of developing a mechanism to regulate surrogacy, tightening the noose is making surrogacy impossible. The law needs a relook and age limits need revision. Family courts are struggling with the timely disposal of cases. How can these cases be fast-tracked? We need trained judicial officers assisted by domain specialist lawyers. Judicial academies should hold regular programmes, invite resource persons, practising professionals and update them with the latest laws. Abroad, there is a dedicated family court bench. But here (in India), the family court judge is a practitioner in all branches of law. The bar councils and national law universities need to groom emerging law graduates into family law practitioners. Family court benches should be set up in the high courts. Family courts at the grassroots should have mediation infrastructure, child support lawyers, counsellors and psychologists.
