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Russia and Ukraine trade drone strikes, disrupting air travel

Russia and Ukraine trade drone strikes, disrupting air travel

The Hill18 hours ago
Russia and Ukraine struck each other with hundreds of drones on Sunday, throwing Russian air travel in disarray, days after Moscow launched its largest aerial assault in the more than 3-year-old war.
Photos circulating on social media showed crowds huddling at Russian airports including key international hubs in Moscow and St. Petersburg, as hundreds of flights were delayed or canceled due to Ukrainian drone strikes on Saturday and overnight, according to Russia's Transport Ministry.
The flight disruptions hit Moscow's Sheremetyevo and St. Petersburg's main Pulkovo airports. Other airports in western and central Russia also faced disruptions.
Russian air defenses shot down 120 Ukrainian drones during the nighttime attacks, and 39 more before 2 p.m. Moscow time (11 GMT) on Sunday, Russia's Defense Ministry said. It did not clarify how many had hit targets, or how many had been launched in total.
Early on Sunday, Ukrainian drones injured two civilians in Russia's Belgorod region near the border, its Gov. Vyacheslav Gladkov said Sunday.
The Ukrainian attacks came just days after Russia pummelled Kyiv with waves of drones and missiles overnight into Friday, in what Ukrainian officials called the largest such strike since Moscow's all-out invasion. The seven-hour onslaught killed at least two civilians, wounded dozens more and caused widespread damage, Ukraine said, while Moscow ramped up its push to capture more of its neighbor's land.
In total, Russia launched 550 drones and missiles across Ukraine that night, according to the country's air force. The barrages have coincided with a concerted Russian effort to break through parts of the roughly 1,000-kilometer (620-mile) front line, where Ukrainian troops are under severe pressure.
Large-scale Russian drone strikes on Sunday injured three civilians in Kyiv and at least two in Kharkiv, Ukraine's second-largest city in the northeast, officials said. A large Russian attack involving Shahed drones also targeted port infrastructure in Mykolaiv in central Ukraine, according to local Gov. Vitaliy Kim. He reported warehouses and the port's power grid were damaged but there were no casualties.
Hours later, Russia launched a glide bomb and a drone at the front-line town of Kostyantynivka in eastern Ukraine, killing four civilians and injuring a fifth, the prosecutor's office said. The drone struck a car in which a married couple were travelling, killing the 39-year-old woman and 40-year-old man on the spot, it said.
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Follow AP's coverage of the war in Ukraine at https://apnews.com/hub/russia-ukraine
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Executions in Saudi Arabia reach a record high mostly over drug cases, Amnesty says
Executions in Saudi Arabia reach a record high mostly over drug cases, Amnesty says

San Francisco Chronicle​

timean hour ago

  • San Francisco Chronicle​

Executions in Saudi Arabia reach a record high mostly over drug cases, Amnesty says

DUBAI, United Arab Emirates (AP) — Executions in Saudi Arabia surged last year to a record high, Amnesty International said Monday, as activists increasingly warn about the kingdom's use of the death penalty in nonviolent drug cases. Saudi Arabia executed 345 people last year, the highest number ever recorded by Amnesty in over three decades of reporting. In the first six months of this year alone, 180 people have been put to death, the group said, signaling that record likely will again be broken. This year, about two-thirds of those executed were convicted on non-lethal drug charges, the activist group Reprieve said separately. Amnesty also has raised similar concerns about executions in drug cases. Saudi Arabia has not offered any comment on why it increasingly employs the death penalty in the kingdom. Saudi officials did not respond to detailed questions from The Associated Press about the executions and why it is using the death penalty for nonviolent drug cases. However, it conflicts with comments from Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Arabia's day-to-day ruler, who in 2022 highlighted he limited its use to just homicide cases. 'Well about the death penalty, we got rid of all of it, except for one category, and this one is written in the Quran, and we cannot do anything about it, even if we wished to do something, because it is clear teaching in the Quran,' the prince told The Atlantic. Drug cases become a prime driver in Saudi executions Saudi Arabia is one of several countries in the Middle East, including Iran, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates, that can levy the death penalty on drug-related charges. But the kingdom remains one of the world's top executioners behind only China and Iran — and its use of executions in drug cases appear to be fueling that. Amnesty documented the cases of 25 foreign nationals who are currently on death row, or were recently executed, for drug-related offenses. In those cases, Amnesty said the inmates on death row were not familiar with the legal system nor their rights, and had limited to no legal representation. Foreign nationals faced additional challenges when trying to secure a fair trial, Amnesty said. One such national, Egyptian Essam Ahmed, disappeared in 2021 while working on a fishing boat in Sinai. A month later, his family received word he had been detained in Saudi Arabia and sentenced to death for drug trafficking. Ahmed claims he was forced by the boat's owner to carry a package for him at gunpoint. 'We're living in terror, we're scared every morning,' said a family member of Ahmed's, who spoke to the AP on condition of anonymity fearing his comments could impact the case. 'Every morning until 9 a.m., we're afraid that they took one of them for execution without us knowing.' The family member added: 'We don't have feelings. We're dead. Death would be easier. … They didn't even give me a chance to defend him and I don't know what to do.' Executions come amid 'Vision 2030' plan Human rights groups for years have been critical of Saudi Arabia's human rights record. There also have been rapid societal changes in Saudi Arabia under King Salman and the crown prince. While pushing for women to drive, the kingdom has overseen the arrest of women's rights activists. While calling for foreign investment, Saudi Arabia also has imprisoned businessmen, royals and others in a crackdown on corruption that soon resembled a shakedown of the kingdom's most powerful people. In 2021, as part of the crown prince's criminal justice overhaul, Saudi Arabia's Human Rights Commission announced a moratorium on drug-related executions. The moratorium, however, remained in place for just under three years, before it was scrapped without an explanation. The executions also come as the kingdom continues to undertake bold reforms to diversify its economy as part of its 'Vision 2030' initiative. Jeed Basyouni, who directs Britain-based legal nonprofit Reprieve's Middle East and North Africa program, insisted Prince Mohammed could change Saudi Arabia's execution policy rapidly if he wanted. 'He could do mass pardons. He could insist on rewriting laws so that they are in line with international law," Basyouni said. 'The billions spent on so-called reforms, designed to promote a more tolerant and inclusive kingdom under the crown prince's rule, mask an authoritarian state where daily executions for drug crimes are now the norm."

Captive Audience: How Putin Shapes Russian Opinions
Captive Audience: How Putin Shapes Russian Opinions

Newsweek

time2 hours ago

  • Newsweek

Captive Audience: How Putin Shapes Russian Opinions

Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. Andrei Soldatov and Irina Borogan were toasting the new millennium with their fellow journalists when former president Boris Yeltsin introduced Vladimir Putin as his surprise successor. But the KGB past of Russia's incoming head of state raised alarm bells over the future of the country's nascent freedoms. "It was clear that for people like us, it wouldn't promise anything good," Borogan told Newsweek. A quarter of a century later, Putin's crackdown on dissent is so complete that prison terms can await those whose posts on social media platforms like Telegram and VKontakte are deemed to discredit his full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Soldatov and Borogan's book Our Dear Friends In Moscow outlines a trajectory from a freer Russia at the start of Putin's rule to a country in which the president holds captive the opinion of the majority and how some former colleagues ended up toeing the Kremlin line. The book's subheading, "The Inside Story of a Broken Generation," outlines Putin's growing grip on public discourse, especially over the war he started. "People who are against this invasion remain silent because of fear," Soldatov told Newsweek. Russian President Vladimir Putin is pictured on June 30, 2025, in Moscow, Russia. Russian President Vladimir Putin is pictured on June 30, 2025, in Moscow, Russia. Getty Images Moscow Theater Siege—Putin's Key Moment When Soldatov and Borogan started out in their early 20s working for newspapers like Sevodnya, Izvestia, and as founders of Russian secret services watchdog Agentura, they were a generation younger than those who had been previously in the industry. Progress was swift in a freewheeling media climate far removed from the restrictions of the Soviet era, but soon after assuming the presidency in 2000, Putin started turning the screw. Our Dear Friends In Moscow describes how this meant they had to move from publication to publication, sometimes due to editors bowing to state demands to toe the new party line, other times for work that agitated the security services. But one event that marked Putin's intentions to control public opinion was the storming of Moscow's Dubrovka Theater on 23 October 2002 by Chechen militants who took hostage 912 people watching the musical "Nord-Ost." Russian investigate journalist Andrei Soldatov. Russian investigate journalist Andrei Soldatov. Supplied by PublicAffairs Russian security services released sleeping gas into the building before storming. All 40 hostage takers died, but so did over 130 hostages, largely because of the gas, and the botched operation was condemned. Putin wanted to show himself as a president who could deal with terrorists in a different way to Yeltsin, the man who anointed him, said Soldatov. "Putin wanted to be seen as a strong leader and much more brutal and decisive— not like Yeltsin," he said, "when journalists started writing critical things about the way the situation was handled, he got really furious." Following the siege, Putin accused journalists of being traitors, and that was when Soldatov and Borogan faced their first FSB investigation. Restrictions grew, and by the end of the first decade, Soldatov said most newspapers had reduced or completely shut down their investigative departments. Threats against journalists grew, sending a chilling message to those who wrote about Russian security services. This image from 26 October 2003, shows a memorial of those who died at the Dubrokva theater in Moscow a year earlier when Chechen commanders took hundreds hostage. This image from 26 October 2003, shows a memorial of those who died at the Dubrokva theater in Moscow a year earlier when Chechen commanders took hundreds Social Contract Post-Soviet era economic turbulence caused financial hardship for much of the Russian population who felt "deceived by the West" that new democracy did not mean wealth, as they thought they had been promised, Borogan said. This was something Putin was able to exploit when he came to power. "He said, 'We will be strong. We would not be together with the West, which has always been against us, and I will resurrect our pride,'" said Borogan. "The population was not brainwashed completely, Putin found their weak spot." The price of Russia's most lucrative export boomed and as a barrel of oil, peaking at $150 per in July 2008 before the global financial crisis, people linked this burgeoning affluence to Putin. "The initial social contract was very simple," said Soldatov. The public gave up public freedoms and participation in any political activities, in return for prosperity, stability and security. But Putin also exploited the desire among people in Russia to get their pride back as a superpower. Soldatov said that along this path was the 2008 war in Georgia, which showed the Russian army would not be humiliated anymore. The illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014 inflated that sense of pride. Since then, Putin has reintroduced an element of fear. A decade ago, opposing the Kremlin was only a problem for political actors—now almost every strata of Russian society is in danger, including businessmen and government workers, he said. Fear Is Omnipresent Putin exerted his control over TV channels and restrictions on other media are so tight that looking at posts or independent media in public can be risky. "Fear is omnipresent," Borogan said. "Most people in Russia who oppose the invasion of Ukraine remain silent because of this fear," said Soldatov. "The Kremlin is skillful at reminding people of what it was like under Stalin, " said Soldatov," sometimes they use intentionally the rhetoric which was used under Stalin to remind people of what the Kremlin is capable of doing." Russian investigative journalist Irina Borogan. Russian investigative journalist Irina Borogan. Supplied by PublicAffairs An example of this is the social media posts of former president Dmitry Medvedev, who regularly rails against the West and boasts of Russia's nuclear capabilities. "It gives a strong message to the Russian audience because they immediately recognize the wording." In June 2022, the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs placed Soldatov on the federal wanted list, charged with spreading "fake news" about the Russian Army linked to his reporting on the faulty intelligence that preceded the invasion. As Russia's media was strangled during Putin's rule, which included a stint as prime minister between 2008 and 2012, it became more difficult for Soldatov and Borogan to work in Moscow, and they left the country. Meanwhile, their media colleagues they were close to at the start of the century became more aligned with the Kremlin's position. One of them, Zhenya Baranov, was a presenter for propaganda outlet Channel 1, which pushes Kremlin rhetoric about Nazis in Ukraine. Another, Olga Lyubimova, rose to become culture minister. A third, Petya Akapov referred in an op-ed on RIA Novosti to Putin's invasion as "Russia is restoring its historical completeness" and described the president's actions as "the solution of the Ukrainian question." These former comrades were ambitious and wanted to play a significant role in Russian politics and so decided that the only way to achieve anything is to work for the dictator, said Soldatov, adding, they believe "if you decided to oppose him, you become an outsider, a maverick—like us who are forced to live in exile."

King Charles III leads 20th-anniversary commemoration of 7/7 London bombings

time3 hours ago

King Charles III leads 20th-anniversary commemoration of 7/7 London bombings

LONDON -- LONDON (AP) — King Charles III led commemorations Monday on the 20th anniversary of the 2005 London transit bombings, the deadliest attack on the British capital since World War II. Fifty-two people died and more than 700 were wounded when four British men inspired by al-Qaida blew themselves up on three subway trains and a bus during the morning rush hour on July 7, 2005. They were the first suicide bombings on European soil. Two weeks later, four other bombers attempted a similar attack, but their devices failed to explode. No one was hurt. The bombings remain seared into London's collective memory, and the anniversary will be marked with a ceremony at the 7/7 memorial in Hyde Park and a service of commemoration at St. Paul's Cathedral. In a message, the king said his 'heartfelt thoughts and special prayers remain with all those whose lives were forever changed on that terrible summer's day.' He said the country could take heart from the bravery of the emergency services and others who responded to the attack, and 'the countless stories of extraordinary courage and compassion that emerged from the darkness of that day.' Charles also hailed the 'spirit of unity that has helped London, and our nation, to heal.' 'As we remember those we lost, let us, therefore, use this 20th anniversary to reaffirm our commitment to building a society where people of all faiths and backgrounds can live together with mutual respect and understanding, always standing firm against those who would seek to divide us,' he said. Home Secretary Yvette Cooper said July 7, 2005 was one of Britain's 'darkest days.' She said that 20 years on, 'Islamist extremist terrorism remains the greatest threat' to national security 'followed by extreme right-wing terrorism." 'But we also face hybrid threats to our national security from hostile states, serious organized crime, cyber criminals, those threatening our border security and a troubling rise in violence-fixated individuals radicalized online,' she wrote in the Sunday Mirror newspaper, adding that the government would 'relentlessly confront and counter threats to our national security.'

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