Papa Cristo's is closing, joining growing list of struggling longtime restaurants in L.A.
What began as a Greek market in 1948 expanded to a full-fledged restaurant and community staple over decades. It's united generations of Angelenos who've flocked to the edge of Pico-Union for specialty goods and Greek feasts from three generations of the Chrys family. The restaurant became the unofficial heart of the Byzantine-Latino Quarter, a small historic-cultural district, along with the St. Sophia Greek Orthodox Cathedral nearby.
'It finally came to a point where we decided we're gonna go on our terms,' said Mark Yordon, the cousin of owner Chrys Chrys, and a member of the family business for roughly 40 years. 'We're not gonna wait for a buyer to come in and say, 'OK, I'm going to turn it into a hotel.' '
Yordon declined to confirm that rent increases influenced the decision to close, but Chrys told LAist that rising rent was the culprit. 'The rent got too high,' he said, 'and there's nothing we can do about it. ... Tenants are pawns to the landlords.'
Read more: In the kitchen: Papa Cristo's classes, new potatoes and recipe testing
Yordon, who works as the general manager, said the family came to the decision upon learning the building was listed for sale. The Papa Cristo's lot, which is zoned for mixed-use or high-density residential purposes, is currently listed at $5.2 million.
Its listing agent could not be reached for comment.
'The whole corner is for sale, and it's never been for sale,' Yordon said. 'It belonged to the same Greek family that had associations with Chrys' dad and the current [lot] owner's grandfather. It goes way back, to 1948.'
Sam Chrys founded what would become Papa Cristo's as C&K Importing Co. in 1948. The market sold imported Greek foods and wine, and continues to do so today alongside broader Mediterranean and European specialty items.
In 1968, Chrys Chrys purchased the business from his father, and eventually took over an adjacent burger stand to transform it into Papa Cristo's Taverna.
The generous portions and convivial setting helped solidify Papa Cristo's as a decades-long community staple for the neighborhood and far beyond it, and in 2010 Chrys' youngest daughter, Annie, joined the trade.
The last few years haven't been as easy for Papa Cristo's, which like so many local businesses saw steep revenue downturns during the pandemic. But the market allowed for some sales to continue, and the restaurant's catering operation — which Yordon primarily oversees — helped keep the family business afloat and its staff employed.
In the years following, inflation led to slimmer profit margins. Now with tariffs on the horizon, Yordon mused, 'maybe this was a good time to go.'
Since the news broke, throngs of fans streamed into the restaurant and market. Hundreds of online comments are shouting for someone to save the business.
There could be a future where Papa Cristo's opens in a smaller location elsewhere, though Yordon said that fate will be determined by his cousin and nieces. It's also possible that Chrys, now 80, will take this opportunity to retire.
'He's kind of getting to his limit,' Yordon said. 'Heavy lies the head that wears the crown.'
But a public statement from Chrys on Thursday hinted that this might not be the end of Papa Cristo's. 'After 77 years on the corner of Pico and Normandie, it's time for me to hang up my apron and for us to say goodbye (for now),' he posted to the restaurant's Instagram page, adding, "P.S. The story of Papa Cristo's doesn't end here — exciting things are coming."
Some of the city's longest-running and most cherished restaurants have announced a struggle to survive, or closed outright in the last few weeks. Chili John's in Burbank, which opened in 1946, recently launched a fundraiser to help keep the business afloat. An owner last month said that without an increase in sales they could close in the coming months.
Recently Du-Par's CEO said the 1938-founded diner famed for its hotcakes at a corner of the Original Farmers Market is also struggling. Frances Tario told 'L.A. in a Minute' podcaster Evan Lovett that immigration crackdowns, increasing egg prices and a loss of business from the city's January wildfires have hurt one of the city's oldest surviving restaurants. Tario could not be reached for comment.
Last week decades-old French restaurant Le Petit Four closed its doors for good amid a string of West Hollywood shutterings. Last month, after 101 years of service, the Original Pantry closed and left Angelenos bereft.
Newer restaurants are also closing at a rapid clip, with a number of notable closures in the first half of the year that included Guerilla Tacos, Cosa Buona, Sage, and Wexler's Deli in Grand Central Market.
'It's been a real avalanche,' said local historian and tour guide Kim Cooper. 'Many, many factors are piling up on top of each other and people are making very hard decisions.'
Cooper operates walking-tour and historic-preservation-minded company Esotouric with her husband, Richard Schave. The two of them have been patrons of the restaurant for years.
Read more: Esotouric tours explores L.A.'s dark side
Especially given the rash of closures and struggles of some of the city's oldest restaurants, Schave and Cooper hope to see more local and state programs that aid legacy businesses and provide support before it's too late.
The pair suggested two potential scenarios that could save the restaurant. Maybe, they said, new state law SB 4, which is designed to help faith-based organizations build affordable housing, could help the surrounding Greek Orthodox community with deep ties to Papa Cristo's to develop the lot.
Or, they said, history-minded restaurateurs could purchase the business from the Chrys family with the promise of ensuring its survival, as Marc Rose and Med Abrous did for Fairfax restaurant Genghis Cohen: an operation now undergoing its own land sale and relocation.
'By the time people who love these places hear that they're in trouble, it's often gotten too far and they're announcing a closure,' Cooper said. 'It feels like Los Angeles is disappearing. We've got to save it.'
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This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.

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Time Magazine
an hour ago
- Time Magazine
Saab CEO Micael Johansson on the Future of Warfare
Swedish company Saab AB has been a cornerstone of the European aerospace and defense industry for almost nine decades. Renowned for its innovative approach, Saab develops military aircraft, surface-to-air missiles, submarines, and other defense systems for governments around the globe. Saab today sits at the cutting-edge of defense technology, continuously enhancing its product portfolio to meet evolving security challenges. And with security once again at the top of the world political agenda, Saab has benefited. The $27 billion firm has seen its share price double since the start of the year and rise eight-fold since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Micael Johansson has served as CEO and president of Saab since 2019. In May, he was also appointed president and chairman of the Aerospace, Security and Defence Industries Association of Europe (ASD), which represents over 4,000 defense-related companies across 21 European countries and works with policymakers and institutions across the continent to boost regional security. TIME caught up with Johansson on the sidelines of last month's Shangri-La Security Dialogue in Singapore. This interview has been condensed and edited for clarity. We're here at Shangri-la Dialogue, where U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth just remarked that the Indo-Pacific is the 'primary theater' for the U.S. Is that how Saab is seeing things? Do you feel that this is a region for you to expand sales? We are not focusing only on Europe, and we are also in the U.S. But we have to be selective in what campaigns we can win, because bearing in mind Japan is very U.S.-oriented. [South] Korea as well. The Philippines has a big U.S. presence, especially in the naval domain. But we have things to offer that make a difference. And there is a feeling that, 'OK, we want to have the support of the U.S., but we also maybe need to work with a few others.' Even Japan is opening up a bit; South Korea as well—they selected the C390 transport aircraft [produced by Brazilian firm Embraer] and not [Lockheed Martin's] C130. So, of course, we can find our niches and work here. But it's super important the U.S. makes sure that these countries have the capabilities needed to work with them, and being interoperable is, of course, a given. That's the perception we have in Europe. [The U.S.] has been crystal clear, independent of administration, that Europe has to take responsibility for its security and create deterrence. And I agree completely that we've been too naive for decades now, since the [Berlin] Wall fell that eternal peace will happen, and we come from a peace dividend. So we have a lot to catch up to do, but we have a good foundation of defense industries. Secretary Hegseth talked about broadening the defense industrial base. That must be music to your ears in these days of 'America First' that the U.S. wants to be collaborative for military industries? Every politician, not only in the U.S. but also European, have now started to state that you don't have any defense capabilities unless you have a strong industrial base. And I also think it needs to be tighter—so much will be software-defined going forward, so you will need upgrades all the time. You see it in Ukraine. This means that you have to have a business model where you work closely in peace time and also in wartime, if that happens. What are some of the lessons Saab has learned from Ukraine in terms of the specific capabilities you've seen tested on the battlefield? It's going to be more and more autonomous systems in all domains going forward, for sure. Maybe one cannot draw full conclusions from the war in Ukraine—in terms of whether conflict will always look like that, if unfortunately we get a new one, because it depends on what kind of air superiority you have. And if that had happened, you maybe wouldn't have seen this standstill World War I type of war, at the same time with the drones taking everything out in a 10 km [6 mile] 'death valley' at the frontline. But autonomous systems and how often you have to upgrade your systems to cope with the congested environment, in terms of electronic warfare and stuff, we'll see a lot of that going forward. So these things we've learned, and then we learned a few things from what we have provided, either indirectly donated by other countries, or directly to Ukraine, and how things are actually working on the battlefield. And that's important feedback as well that affects our development going forward. Saab is a Swedish company and your country recently joined NATO. How has that affected government support and the mindset of your business? It's a big thing for our country. Because being an independent country, nonaligned, that is all about sovereign defense capabilities. Of course, we've had our bilateral relationships before and we have been supplying things that are interoperable with NATO, so that's not been a problem. But I think for the defense forces, being a country in the Nordic Region which now has to supply Finland—the transport perspective, the logistics, how to support the 1,300 km [800 mile] border that Finland has with Russia is, of course, something we never thought about. Before it's all about moving things south, north; now it's going to be west, east, and putting a number of capabilities and defense forces in Finland, and we're also doing that as we speak in the Baltic states. So the whole defense concept and NATO capability targets, which we've never had before, will be some new things. Saab as a company is well positioned—we have a portfolio of everything from fighters to submarines to globalized airborne early warning and also lots of sensors, command and control, and advanced weapon systems. So portfolio-wise we're in a very good position to support NATO adaptation. Read More: The Man Who Wants to Save NATO There's been a lot of focus on maintaining a status quo in the Taiwan Strait and you've started doing deals with U.S. allies here. Is Saab's Gripen E fighter a key component of that goal of maintaining peace and security in the Indo-Pacific? We hope that we will be selected from some countries on the Gripen fighter side. Thailand has selected us, we have a campaign with the Philippines, we will see which way they go. They are U.S.-oriented but you never know; maybe they may need a more agile fleet, or dual fleet. But everyone selects what they think would be needed. But these megadeals are extremely political. So, it's prime minister level or defense minister level. So even if you have a fantastic product, they involve security agreements, and you have a government-to-government agreement. And if a country like the U.S. leans in and uses its leverage, of course, it's difficult to win. But there are countries that do not want that and those are where we try to be successful. But we have a fantastic product, that's not a problem. But if you're supplying countries which are U.S. allies enlisted as part of Washington's strategy of containment of China, Sweden might face pushback from Beijing. Is that something which enters into your calculus? It's never been something that's popped up. We never had any pushback from China for being in the region. Absolutely not. But it's an interesting question. Can that happen? I don't think so. But I can't be 100% sure. How are AI and other future technologies being infused into your products? And how do they aid the product development in terms of digital twins and things to be able to reach the market quickly? AI agents are incredibly important when you have so much information to digest and to quickly get to a situation awareness picture. If you don't use AI, you won't be able to make out a reasonable situation awareness, and the quicker you can do that, the better you will [respond] toward your aggressor. The future is not to create a super-secret electronic warfare library, where you would have your sensors picking out signatures on certain platforms and next time you fly you recognize: 'This is a MIG29, this is a SU57.' Now the sensor systems are intelligent in the way that you can reshape your signal so that you have cognitive understanding of what the threat looks like. If you don't use AI in that perspective, you're done. That's also the future. So we do include AI agents in our electronic warfare systems to continuously understand what you're looking at, what you're trying to hit. And in terms of gray zone tactics, what are you learning from both Ukraine and what's happening in other theaters? There are lots of gray zone things happening, of course. It's obvious … when you deliberately ruin cabling at the sea bottom, and the Nord Stream gas [pipeline] blowing up, and there are shadow ships 'by mistake' dragging their anchors for 20 km. Crazy, of course. But also probing critical infrastructure and power junctions and stuff like that. And also agencies, authorities, even community offices have been taken out by cyber. Of course, there's a cyber threat all the time and it's a battle in itself to cope with that. You've been made president and chairman of ASD. How do you expect to use this position to strengthen Europe's security landscape? These are very important times. We need to push for more collaboration and creating scale and to actually run a few flagship projects together, and to get the incentives from the [European] Commission to do that. To have countries put some money into a common bucket where we can do things together is important. Then I want the U.K. to be part of the European way of working on defense as if they were still in the E.U. That's super important. But then we have the regulation perspective. So there's lots to do from a European perspective. And the challenge is that the E.U. is a consensus organization. But industry can do a lot to create bridges by working together to create stronger defense in Europe. We have a good foundation of a defense industrial base, and that's because we are globally competitive as industries, but we have so much spending going outside Europe in a different direction, mainly the U.S. I want a competitive landscape. But you can't have the U.S. buying everything from the U.S.—98% or something—and then we've been spending like 78% outside Europe, and the majority of that in the U.S. We have to do more ourselves to be really competitive going forward and to take care of our security landscape. As such, are President Trump's tariffs positive for you, given selling between Europeans means avoiding these levies? Or will they still affect your supply chains? In the end, it will [affect supply chains.] Of course, trade wars are terrible but I think we have a bit more resilience in our business segment, because we carry more stockpiles, we have some protection when it comes to contracts, we don't have a hub somewhere where all the components are being built for everything we do—like the car industry, which could be extremely dependent on what's happening in Mexico, for example. [Our industry] is more regionalized when it comes to the supply chain as well. But, of course, we have dependencies, and it's not good, but it will take a little bit longer before we are super affected. Also, so many countries have reciprocal agreements between Europe and the U.S., where this is exempted from tariffs and taxes. I don't know whether these executive orders overrule all of this—that has never been discussed—but, of course, it's not good to have tariffs. Are they dangerous for global security? Yeah, I think they'll create complexities, and maybe you don't get the best capability because you have to rely upon other things—you can't afford, or you can't work with some companies, and then you get stuff that is not the best. So in the end, indirectly, it could be affecting what capabilities you build. There's been lots of changes in defense procurement like drone technology and undermanned submersibles. But what is the next great leap you are looking at in the future of the security industry? Obviously, lots of swarm technology and drones and collaborative combat aircraft. But I also think [it will be] the connectivity aspect of systems. Everything will be connected going forward. And then you have hypersonic weapon systems and being able to protect yourself from them. That's the big next step. It's going to be dangerous, it's going to be super quick, and that's probably the next step. But how to use AI's compute power is also absolutely something we put a lot of effort into. President Trump recently advocated a Golden Dome missile defense system for the U.S. Is this something which Europe should also consider? Absolutely. That's the flagship project that I would like to push for—not only for Saab but also for ASD. We need to come together—industries and countries—to create things like that: integrated enemy cell defense systems with short, medium, and long-range capabilities. We don't have that in Europe. We need to have that. Is there enough cohesion and unity in Europe for this type of thing to happen? I think so. We have the capabilities to do it. It's just how you create that industry construct, and how do you align the requirements. It comes with aligning requirements and demand, and then industry will come together. We're not really there yet. There have been political statements like the European Sky Shield Initiative, but it's really slow. That's the problem.

an hour ago
US tariffs on European goods threaten to shake up trade relationship
FRANKFURT, Germany -- FRANKFURT, Germany (AP) — America's largest trade partner, the European Union, is among the entities awaiting word Monday on whether U.S. President Donald Trump will impose punishing tariffs on their goods, a move economists have warned would have repercussions for companies and consumers on both sides of the Atlantic. Trump imposed a 20% import tax on all EU-made products in early April as part of a set of tariffs targeting countries with which the United States has a trade imbalance. Hours after the nation-specific duties took effect, he put them on hold until July 9 at a standard rate of 10% to quiet financial markets and allow time for negotiations. Expressing displeasure the EU's stance in trade talks, however, the president said he would jack up the tariff rate for European exports to 50%. A rate that high could make everything from French cheese and Italian leather goods to German electronics and Spanish pharmaceuticals much more expensive in the U.S. The EU, whose 27 member nations operate as a single economic bloc, said its leaders hoped to strike a deal with the Trump administration. Without one, the EU said it was prepared to retaliate with tariffs on hundreds of American products, ranging from beef and auto parts to beer and Boeing airplanes. Here are important things to know about trade between the United States and the European Union. A lot of money is at stake in the trade talks. The EU's executive commission describes the trade between the U.S. and the EU as "the most important commercial relationship in the world.' The value of EU-U.S. trade in goods and services amounted to 1.7 trillion euros ($2 trillion) in 2024, or an average of 4.6 billion euros a day, according to EU statistics agency Eurostat. The biggest U.S. export to Europe is crude oil, followed by pharmaceuticals, aircraft, automobiles, and medical and diagnostic equipment. Europe's biggest exports to the U.S. are pharmaceuticals, cars, aircraft, chemicals, medical instruments, and wine and spirits. Trump has complained about the EU's 198 billion-euro ($233 billion) trade surplus in goods, which shows Americans buy more stuff from European businesses than the other way around. However, American companies fill some of the gap by outselling the EU when it comes to services such as cloud computing, travel bookings, and legal and financial services. The U.S. services surplus took the nation's trade deficit with the EU down to 50 billion euros ($59 billion), which represents less than 3% of overall U.S.-EU trade. Before Trump returned to office, the U.S. and the EU maintained a generally cooperative trade relationship and low tariff levels on both sides. The U.S. rate averaged 1.47% for European goods, while the EU's averaged 1.35% for American products. But the White House has taken a much less friendly posture toward the longstanding U.S. ally since February. Along with the fluctuating tariff rate on European goods Trump has floated, the EU has been subject to his administration's 50% tariff on steel and aluminum and a 25% tax on imported automobiles and parts. Trump administration officials have raised a slew of issues they want to see addressed, including agricultural barriers such as EU health regulations that include bans on chlorine-washed chicken and hormone-treated beef. Trump has also criticized Europe's value-added taxes, which EU countries levy at the point of sale this year at rates of 17% to 27%. But many economists see VAT as trade-neutral since they apply to domestic goods and services as well as imported ones. Because national governments set the taxes through legislation, the EU has said they aren't on the table during trade negotiations. 'On the thorny issues of regulations, consumer standards and taxes, the EU and its member states cannot give much ground,' Holger Schmieding, chief economist at Germany's Berenberg bank, said. 'They cannot change the way they run the EU's vast internal market according to U.S. demands, which are often rooted in a faulty understanding of how the EU works.' Economists and companies say higher tariffs will mean higher prices for U.S. consumers on imported goods. Importers must decide how much of the extra tax costs to absorb through lower profits and how much to pass on to customers. Mercedes-Benz dealers in the US. have said they are holding the line on 2025 model year prices 'until further notice.' The German automaker has a partial tariff shield because it makes 35% of the Mercedes-Benz vehicles sold in the U.S. in Tuscaloosa, Alabama, but the company said it expects prices to undergo 'significant increases' in coming years. Simon Hunt, CEO of Italian wine and spirits producer Campari Group, told investment analysts that prices could increase for some products or stay the same depending what rival companies do. If competitors raise prices, the company might decide to hold its prices on Skyy vodka or Aperol aperitif to gain market share, Hunt said. Trump has argued that making it more difficult for foreign companies to sell in the U.S. is a way to stimulate a revival of American manufacturing. Many companies have dismissed the idea or said it would take years to yield positive economic benefits. However, some corporations have proved willing to shift some production stateside. France-based luxury group LVMH, whose brands include Tiffany & Co., Luis Vuitton, Christian Dior and Moet & Chandon, could move some production to the United States, billionaire CEO Bernaud Arnault said at the company's annual meeting in April. Arnault, who attended Trump's inauguration, has urged Europe to reach a deal based on reciprocal concessions. 'If we end up with high tariffs, ... we will be forced to increase our U.S.-based production to avoid tariffs,' Arnault said. 'And if Europe fails to negotiate intelligently, that will be the consequence for many companies. ... It will be the fault of Brussels, if it comes to that.' Some forecasts indicate the U.S. economy would be more at risk if the negotiations fail. Without a deal, the EU would lose 0.3% of its gross domestic product and U.S. GDP would fall 0.7%, if Trump slaps imported goods from Europe with tariffs of 10% to 25%, according to a research review by Bruegel, a think tank in Brussels. Given the complexity of some of the issues, the two sides may arrive only at a framework deal before Wednesday's deadline. That would likely leave a 10% base tariff, as well as the auto, steel and aluminum tariffs in place until details of a formal trade agreement are ironed out. The most likely outcome of the trade talks is that 'the U.S. will agree to deals in which it takes back its worst threats of 'retaliatory' tariffs well beyond 10%,' Schmieding said. 'However, the road to get there could be rocky.' The U.S. offering exemptions for some goods might smooth the path to a deal. The EU could offer to ease some regulations that the White House views as trade barriers. 'While Trump might be able to sell such an outcome as a 'win' for him, the ultimate victims of his protectionism would, of course, be mostly the U.S. consumers,' Schmieding said.


CNBC
2 hours ago
- CNBC
China retaliates to EU ban with import restrictions on medical devices
China's finance ministry said on Sunday it was restricting government purchases of medical devices from the European Union that exceed 45 million yuan ($6.3 million) in value, in retaliation to Brussels' own curbs last month. Tensions between Beijing and Brussels have been rising, with the European Union imposing tariffs on China-built electric vehicles and Beijing slapping duties on imported brandy from the bloc. The European Union said last month it was barring Chinese companies from participating in EU public tenders for medical devices worth 60 billion euros ($70 billion) or more per year after concluding that EU firms were not given fair access in China. The measure announced by the European Commission was the first under the EU's International Procurement Instrument, which entered into force in 2022 and is designed to ensure reciprocal market access. China's countermeasures were expected after its commerce ministry flagged "necessary steps" against the EU move late last month. "Regrettably, despite China's goodwill and sincerity, the EU has insisted on going its own way, taking restrictive measures and building new protectionist barriers," the commerce ministry said in a separate statement on Sunday. "Therefore, China has no choice but to adopt reciprocal restrictive measures." The EU delegation office in Beijing did not immediately respond to a request for comment. China will also restrict imports of medical devices from other countries that contain EU-made components worth more than 50% of the contract value, the finance ministry said. The measures come into force on Sunday. The commerce ministry said products from European companies in China were not affected. The world's second- and third-largest economies are due to hold a leaders' summit in China later in July. On Friday, China also announced duties of up to 34.9% for five years on brandy originating in the European Union, most of it cognac from France, after concluding an investigation largely believed to be a response to Europe's EV tariffs. Major cognac producers Pernod Ricard, LVMH and Remy Cointreau were spared from the levies, however, provided they sell at a minimum price, which China has not disclosed.