The interim CEO of the company at the centre of the Coldplay kiss cam row has addressed shareholders and customers
Software development firm Astronomer was catapulted to viral fame last week after CEO Andy Byron was caught being intimate with Kristin Cabot, the company's Human Resources officer, during a Coldplay concert.
The video of the bizarre encounter was posted to TikTok, which went viral because of the pair's extreme reactions when their canoodling was captured on the band's "kiss cam".
But addressing customers and shareholders, interim CEO Pete Dejoy, who also cofounded the company, said the incident had launched the AI firm into the public consciousness.
'The spotlight has been unusual and surreal for our team and, while I would never have wished for it to happen like this, Astronomer is now a household name,' he said.
'At Astronomer we have never shied away from challenges. A near-decade of building this business has tested us time and time again, and each time we've emerged stronger.
'We're here because Astronomer is built by people who live to solve hard problems, stay late to fix what's broken, and care deeply about doing things the right way.'
Astronomer and Mr Byron's LinkedIn were bombarded with comments from people making jokes about the incident, which took place at the Coldplay concert in Boston last week.
At the time, singer Chris Martin, who is the lead singer of the British pop rock group said 'Oh, look at these two. You're all right. You're OK. Oh, what? Either they're having an affair or they're just very shy.'
On Saturday, Australian Eastern Time, the company announced on X that they would be conducting an investigation into the event, which led to his resignation. As it stands, Ms Cabot remains in post whilst the investigation is ongoing.
Neither Mr Byron nor Ms Cabot have publicly responded to the incident.
According to a now deleted LinkedIn post, it appears as though Cabot only started at the company seven months ago.
Byron's wife was tracked down on social media, with her Facebook account flooded with messages of sympathy.
She allegedly removed his last name from her Facebook profile after the fallout.
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Perth Now
2 hours ago
- Perth Now
Trump leaves for golfing trip in Scotland
US President Donald Trump will travel to Scotland as his family's business prepares for the upcoming opening of a new golf course in Aberdeenshire billed as "the greatest 36 holes in golf". His presence is expected to spark protests across the country, with Scottish Police being forced to request aid from other forces to help increase manpower for the trip. Trump plans to visit his golf resort in Turnberry on Scotland's west coast, where he will meet British Prime Minister Keir Starmer on Monday, before heading to his sprawling golf property 320 kilometres away near Aberdeen in the east. As part of the visit, he will open a second 18-hole course on the Aberdeen property named in honour of his mother, Mary Anne MacLeod, who was born and raised on a Scottish island before emigrating to America. The White House has described the trip as "private". Trump's visit to Scotland is in the "public interest", UK Chancellor Rachel Reeves insisted, pointing out a recent trade deal. "That has a tangible benefit for people here in Scotland, whether it is people working in the Scotch whisky industry or people working in the defence sector, like here at Rolls-Royce, that trade deal means lower tariffs than any country in the world on things that we send to the US," she said. While in the UK, he will also meet Scotland's First Minister John Swinney, who had publicly backed Democratic candidate Kamala Harris in the 2024 US presidential election. "The Scottish leader is a good man, so I look forward to meeting him," Trump said. Swinney flagged in an interview with PA that he intended to raise the "the awfulness of the situation in Gaza and the unbearable human suffering" with Trump. "I intend to take that opportunity to make sure that Scotland's voice is heard," he said. The trip shows how the president has become increasingly comfortable intermingling his governing pursuits with promoting his family's business interests. There is a massive police presence ahead of Trump's visit. Trump has described Scotland as a "very special place" and made a similar trip there in 2016 during his first run for the presidency, but he will not necessarily get a warm welcome. About 70% of Scots have an unfavourable opinion of Trump, while 18% have a favourable opinion, an Ipsos poll in March found. His visit requires a major police operation that will cost Scottish taxpayers millions of pounds as protests are planned over the weekend. The union representing officers is concerned that they are already overworked and will be diverted from their normal duties. The overseas travel comes as Trump faces the biggest domestic political crisis of his second term in office. Allies and opponents alike have criticised his administration's handling of investigative files related to disgraced financier and sex offender Jeffrey Epstein's criminal charges and the circumstances of his 2019 death in prison. The issue has caused a rare breach with some of Trump's most loyal Make America Great Again supporters, and majorities of Americans and Trump's Republicans say they believe the government is hiding details on the case, according to Reuters/Ipsos polling. White House officials, frustrated by the ongoing focus on the Epstein saga, are hoping the controversy dies down while Trump is abroad, one person familiar with the matter said. Trump will return to Britain from September 17-19 for a state visit hosted by King Charles. It will make Trump the first world leader in modern times to undertake two state visits to Britain. The late Queen Elizabeth hosted him at Buckingham Palace for a three-day state visit in June 2019. with PA and Reuters
The Advertiser
8 hours ago
- The Advertiser
What makes a song 'Australian'? Triple J's Hottest 100 reignites bigger question
On July 26, Triple J will broadcast the Hottest 100 Australian Songs, as voted by the public. While predictions for winners and even preemptive complaining about the shortlist are taking up column space and social media posts, there is an underlying question: what we mean when we talk about "Australian songs"? Do these songs sound a particular way? Do they express something about what it means to be Australian? Or is it purely about where the artist was born? Importantly, how will each of these factors influence voting? Musical cultures with their own unique sounds have existed on this continent for tens of thousands of years. The sound of the didgeridoo is often used as a shorthand to signify Australianness in films, television and, to a lesser extent, popular songs. However, the history of dispossession and genocidal practices that have accompanied settlement in Australia means much has been lost from these musical traditions. 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Given recent national debates, a strong contender for the upcoming poll is Treaty (Radio Mix) by Yothu Yindi (which ranked number 11 of all time in 1991). These shifts show how canons can be unsettled over time. Recently, Creative Australia came under fire for trying to stifle Khaled Sabsabi's politically-informed art in the interests of "social cohesion". But others pointed out art provides crucial space for challenging prevailing ideas, and that social cohesion in a democracy is not about reaching complete agreement, but being able to handle disagreement. A Hottest 100 that reflects the diversity and even the tensions in Australian society may provoke arguments, but it is in these spaces that we can reflect on what it means to live on these lands. On July 26, Triple J will broadcast the Hottest 100 Australian Songs, as voted by the public. While predictions for winners and even preemptive complaining about the shortlist are taking up column space and social media posts, there is an underlying question: what we mean when we talk about "Australian songs"? Do these songs sound a particular way? Do they express something about what it means to be Australian? Or is it purely about where the artist was born? Importantly, how will each of these factors influence voting? Musical cultures with their own unique sounds have existed on this continent for tens of thousands of years. The sound of the didgeridoo is often used as a shorthand to signify Australianness in films, television and, to a lesser extent, popular songs. However, the history of dispossession and genocidal practices that have accompanied settlement in Australia means much has been lost from these musical traditions. Indigenous performers have been actively excluded from the same music-making spaces where other songs we think of as "Australian" have been created. Since British colonisation in the late 18th century, Australian music has also been part of global music flows. Settlers arrived with songs and musical influences from their own cultures. Jazz, country, rock and pop inspired local versions of these genres. But is there anything truly Australian about such music, or is it just imitation? And this conundrum connects to wider issues of Australia's identity debated during the 20th century: was it a country, or still just a colony? Back in the 1970s, this question was also on then prime minister Gough Whitlams's mind. After his election in 1972, Whitlam gave a huge boost to funding for cultural and creative activities to "help establish and express an Australian identity through the arts", as part of a suite of nation-building activities. The dirty guitar sounds of the pub rock scene of the 1970s, with its associated subcultures, are sometimes said to be Australia's first distinct offering in post-rock 'n' roll music. This was followed by the rise of bands such as Midnight Oil and Cold Chisel, who found success not just by drawing on more local sounds, but also by referencing Australian places, politics and cultures. The Whitlam government's broadcasting reforms meant this music had homes on community radio and the new youth station 2JJ (now Triple J). The bands from this era have come to make up what might be described as the Oz rock canon - a collection of works seen to make up the "best" of the art form. Canons exert a strong influence over how we assess music, meaning these bands will probably appear in tomorrow's countdown. This idea of the rock canon is almost perfectly reflected in the ten entries by Prime Minister Anthony Albanese to tomorrow's countdown. His selection of almost 100% white male musicians encapsulates the exclusionary nature rock of this period. The fact that our last two prime ministers, despite being from opposite sides of politics, produced very similar lists, gives us insight into the persistence of this canon, and what ideas about "Australian culture" circulate in the halls of power. It's questionable whether any of the bands or songs on Albanese's list could be said to have a coherent "Australian" sound, yet they have come to hold a place in the national imagination. Triple J's Hottest 100 of All Time in 2009 was seen as a surprising recapitulation of the (male) rock canon, especially given the station's otherwise diverse playlists. However, the highest-placed Australian song on the list was The Nosebleed Section by Hilltop Hoods, representing the recent and rapid rise of Aussie hip-hop. The 2011 Hottest 100 Australian Albums of All Time (the closest forerunner to the current poll) further updated the canon, with Powderfinger's Odyssey Number Five (2000) in the top spot, and other top ten entries by electronic groups The Presets and The Avalanches. Nonetheless, the canon remained male dominated, with the highest woman-fronted album being Missy Higgins's The Sound of White (2004) at number 29. The past decade has seen a boom in Indigenous representation on Australian airwaves and stages, with artists such as Thelma Plum, Barkaa, A.B. Original and Baker Boy. These artists use a range of genres and styles to express pride in their Indigeneity, and critique Australian identity. A.B. Original's song January 26 was number 17 in 2016's Hottest 100 countdown. This was also the last year Triple J chose this date for its annual broadcast, speaking to the power of music to reflect - and even inform - popular sentiment. Given recent national debates, a strong contender for the upcoming poll is Treaty (Radio Mix) by Yothu Yindi (which ranked number 11 of all time in 1991). These shifts show how canons can be unsettled over time. Recently, Creative Australia came under fire for trying to stifle Khaled Sabsabi's politically-informed art in the interests of "social cohesion". But others pointed out art provides crucial space for challenging prevailing ideas, and that social cohesion in a democracy is not about reaching complete agreement, but being able to handle disagreement. A Hottest 100 that reflects the diversity and even the tensions in Australian society may provoke arguments, but it is in these spaces that we can reflect on what it means to live on these lands. On July 26, Triple J will broadcast the Hottest 100 Australian Songs, as voted by the public. While predictions for winners and even preemptive complaining about the shortlist are taking up column space and social media posts, there is an underlying question: what we mean when we talk about "Australian songs"? Do these songs sound a particular way? Do they express something about what it means to be Australian? Or is it purely about where the artist was born? Importantly, how will each of these factors influence voting? Musical cultures with their own unique sounds have existed on this continent for tens of thousands of years. The sound of the didgeridoo is often used as a shorthand to signify Australianness in films, television and, to a lesser extent, popular songs. However, the history of dispossession and genocidal practices that have accompanied settlement in Australia means much has been lost from these musical traditions. Indigenous performers have been actively excluded from the same music-making spaces where other songs we think of as "Australian" have been created. Since British colonisation in the late 18th century, Australian music has also been part of global music flows. Settlers arrived with songs and musical influences from their own cultures. Jazz, country, rock and pop inspired local versions of these genres. But is there anything truly Australian about such music, or is it just imitation? And this conundrum connects to wider issues of Australia's identity debated during the 20th century: was it a country, or still just a colony? Back in the 1970s, this question was also on then prime minister Gough Whitlams's mind. After his election in 1972, Whitlam gave a huge boost to funding for cultural and creative activities to "help establish and express an Australian identity through the arts", as part of a suite of nation-building activities. The dirty guitar sounds of the pub rock scene of the 1970s, with its associated subcultures, are sometimes said to be Australia's first distinct offering in post-rock 'n' roll music. This was followed by the rise of bands such as Midnight Oil and Cold Chisel, who found success not just by drawing on more local sounds, but also by referencing Australian places, politics and cultures. The Whitlam government's broadcasting reforms meant this music had homes on community radio and the new youth station 2JJ (now Triple J). The bands from this era have come to make up what might be described as the Oz rock canon - a collection of works seen to make up the "best" of the art form. Canons exert a strong influence over how we assess music, meaning these bands will probably appear in tomorrow's countdown. This idea of the rock canon is almost perfectly reflected in the ten entries by Prime Minister Anthony Albanese to tomorrow's countdown. His selection of almost 100% white male musicians encapsulates the exclusionary nature rock of this period. The fact that our last two prime ministers, despite being from opposite sides of politics, produced very similar lists, gives us insight into the persistence of this canon, and what ideas about "Australian culture" circulate in the halls of power. It's questionable whether any of the bands or songs on Albanese's list could be said to have a coherent "Australian" sound, yet they have come to hold a place in the national imagination. Triple J's Hottest 100 of All Time in 2009 was seen as a surprising recapitulation of the (male) rock canon, especially given the station's otherwise diverse playlists. However, the highest-placed Australian song on the list was The Nosebleed Section by Hilltop Hoods, representing the recent and rapid rise of Aussie hip-hop. The 2011 Hottest 100 Australian Albums of All Time (the closest forerunner to the current poll) further updated the canon, with Powderfinger's Odyssey Number Five (2000) in the top spot, and other top ten entries by electronic groups The Presets and The Avalanches. Nonetheless, the canon remained male dominated, with the highest woman-fronted album being Missy Higgins's The Sound of White (2004) at number 29. The past decade has seen a boom in Indigenous representation on Australian airwaves and stages, with artists such as Thelma Plum, Barkaa, A.B. Original and Baker Boy. These artists use a range of genres and styles to express pride in their Indigeneity, and critique Australian identity. A.B. Original's song January 26 was number 17 in 2016's Hottest 100 countdown. This was also the last year Triple J chose this date for its annual broadcast, speaking to the power of music to reflect - and even inform - popular sentiment. Given recent national debates, a strong contender for the upcoming poll is Treaty (Radio Mix) by Yothu Yindi (which ranked number 11 of all time in 1991). These shifts show how canons can be unsettled over time. Recently, Creative Australia came under fire for trying to stifle Khaled Sabsabi's politically-informed art in the interests of "social cohesion". But others pointed out art provides crucial space for challenging prevailing ideas, and that social cohesion in a democracy is not about reaching complete agreement, but being able to handle disagreement. A Hottest 100 that reflects the diversity and even the tensions in Australian society may provoke arguments, but it is in these spaces that we can reflect on what it means to live on these lands. On July 26, Triple J will broadcast the Hottest 100 Australian Songs, as voted by the public. While predictions for winners and even preemptive complaining about the shortlist are taking up column space and social media posts, there is an underlying question: what we mean when we talk about "Australian songs"? Do these songs sound a particular way? Do they express something about what it means to be Australian? Or is it purely about where the artist was born? Importantly, how will each of these factors influence voting? Musical cultures with their own unique sounds have existed on this continent for tens of thousands of years. The sound of the didgeridoo is often used as a shorthand to signify Australianness in films, television and, to a lesser extent, popular songs. However, the history of dispossession and genocidal practices that have accompanied settlement in Australia means much has been lost from these musical traditions. Indigenous performers have been actively excluded from the same music-making spaces where other songs we think of as "Australian" have been created. Since British colonisation in the late 18th century, Australian music has also been part of global music flows. Settlers arrived with songs and musical influences from their own cultures. Jazz, country, rock and pop inspired local versions of these genres. But is there anything truly Australian about such music, or is it just imitation? And this conundrum connects to wider issues of Australia's identity debated during the 20th century: was it a country, or still just a colony? Back in the 1970s, this question was also on then prime minister Gough Whitlams's mind. After his election in 1972, Whitlam gave a huge boost to funding for cultural and creative activities to "help establish and express an Australian identity through the arts", as part of a suite of nation-building activities. The dirty guitar sounds of the pub rock scene of the 1970s, with its associated subcultures, are sometimes said to be Australia's first distinct offering in post-rock 'n' roll music. This was followed by the rise of bands such as Midnight Oil and Cold Chisel, who found success not just by drawing on more local sounds, but also by referencing Australian places, politics and cultures. The Whitlam government's broadcasting reforms meant this music had homes on community radio and the new youth station 2JJ (now Triple J). The bands from this era have come to make up what might be described as the Oz rock canon - a collection of works seen to make up the "best" of the art form. Canons exert a strong influence over how we assess music, meaning these bands will probably appear in tomorrow's countdown. This idea of the rock canon is almost perfectly reflected in the ten entries by Prime Minister Anthony Albanese to tomorrow's countdown. His selection of almost 100% white male musicians encapsulates the exclusionary nature rock of this period. The fact that our last two prime ministers, despite being from opposite sides of politics, produced very similar lists, gives us insight into the persistence of this canon, and what ideas about "Australian culture" circulate in the halls of power. It's questionable whether any of the bands or songs on Albanese's list could be said to have a coherent "Australian" sound, yet they have come to hold a place in the national imagination. Triple J's Hottest 100 of All Time in 2009 was seen as a surprising recapitulation of the (male) rock canon, especially given the station's otherwise diverse playlists. However, the highest-placed Australian song on the list was The Nosebleed Section by Hilltop Hoods, representing the recent and rapid rise of Aussie hip-hop. The 2011 Hottest 100 Australian Albums of All Time (the closest forerunner to the current poll) further updated the canon, with Powderfinger's Odyssey Number Five (2000) in the top spot, and other top ten entries by electronic groups The Presets and The Avalanches. Nonetheless, the canon remained male dominated, with the highest woman-fronted album being Missy Higgins's The Sound of White (2004) at number 29. The past decade has seen a boom in Indigenous representation on Australian airwaves and stages, with artists such as Thelma Plum, Barkaa, A.B. Original and Baker Boy. These artists use a range of genres and styles to express pride in their Indigeneity, and critique Australian identity. A.B. Original's song January 26 was number 17 in 2016's Hottest 100 countdown. This was also the last year Triple J chose this date for its annual broadcast, speaking to the power of music to reflect - and even inform - popular sentiment. Given recent national debates, a strong contender for the upcoming poll is Treaty (Radio Mix) by Yothu Yindi (which ranked number 11 of all time in 1991). These shifts show how canons can be unsettled over time. Recently, Creative Australia came under fire for trying to stifle Khaled Sabsabi's politically-informed art in the interests of "social cohesion". But others pointed out art provides crucial space for challenging prevailing ideas, and that social cohesion in a democracy is not about reaching complete agreement, but being able to handle disagreement. A Hottest 100 that reflects the diversity and even the tensions in Australian society may provoke arguments, but it is in these spaces that we can reflect on what it means to live on these lands.
ABC News
9 hours ago
- ABC News
Oil giant BP backs out of Australia Renewable Energy Hub in WA's Pilbara
Global oil giant BP has backed out of its majority share in a $55 billion green energy hub in Western Australia's Pilbara region, dealing Australia's clean energy transition another major blow. The Australia Renewable Energy Hub (AREH), 1,860 kilometres north-east of Perth, is tipped to deliver 26 gigawatts of solar and wind power by 2029, making it one of the largest renewable energy projects in the world. If built, it will be the equivalent of about a third of all the electricity generated in Australia, and close to the country's entire current renewable energy production. But the future of the hub is now uncertain. The project has been touted as a major part of WA's renewables strategy, with the resources-heavy Pilbara producing more than 40 per cent of the state's carbon emissions. However, BP is not the first company to pull its support, with Macquarie removing its backing last year. BP has held 63.7 per cent of the AREH shares since 2022. But the British multinational said it would exit the project as operator and equity holder because the project no longer aligned with BP's direction. "This decision reflects BP's recent strategy reset, which will see BP grow its upstream oil and gas business, focus its downstream business, and invest with increasing discipline into the transition," a spokesperson told the ABC. CWP and InterContinental Energy remain backers of AREH, with the latter assuming control of its operation. InterContinental Energy chief executive Alex Tancock pledged to take the project to the next phase of development. "We believe strongly in the project's potential to decarbonise the Pilbara and diversify the state's economy, and we look forward to delivering on this shared vision," he said. AREH backers had pegged a 6,400 square kilometre footprint for the project north-east of Port Hedland, the world's largest bulk export port. BP hoped to connect the hub to Port Hedland by a "Pilbara green link network", which could power major industrial proposals planned for the region, such as POSCO's Pilbara green iron project. More than 1,700 wind turbines and hundreds of solar panels were slated for the site, along with 56-metre-high tanks for the storage of green ammonia. Backers envisioned producing 10 million tonnes of the clean fuel source each year. The substance would then be shipped overseas via a new $550 million cargo facility being built at Lumsden Point by the state and federal governments. But BP's withdrawal leaves the future of the renewable energy hub in question. University of Western Australia adjunct professor and director of Future Smart Stategies, Ray Wills, said he was unsurprised by BP's decision, which he labelled "sensible". "They were particularly looking to produce hydrogen, and that really was the weakness of the project," Dr Wills said. Dr Wills said the location of the project was also a major flaw, and Tasmania or Western Australia's mid-west region would be better suited. "Pilbara's a difficult place to work in — it's expensive and the wind resources are less good," he said. It is the third time BP has withdrawn from a WA-based alternative fuel project in the past six months, including its $1 billion Kwinana hydrogen and clean fuel projects. Other oil and gas companies such as Andrew Forrest's Fortescue have been shifting away from green hydrogen projects across the world. In its quarterly results announced this week, Fortescue said it would axe its hydrogen ventures in Queensland and Arizona. Meanwhile, Woodside has walked away from a major US-based hydrogen project. Despite this, Dr Wills said green hydrogen was not "pie in the sky" technology. "The time is now, but the question is what you're going to do with hydrogen," he said. "Hydrogen needs to be used for making green steel … putting it into a ship and shipping it somewhere else is not yet economic." Despite BP's withdrawal, Dr Wills was confident the project would go ahead, eventually. "The project will one day occur, it just won't occur on the time frame that's been offered," he said. "It makes sense that we have to put renewables wherever we've got industry, to ensure industry can decarbonise.
