
Supreme Court turns to backlog of transgender cases after Tennessee ban ruling
The Supreme Court on Thursday will confront the next frontiers of the legal battles surrounding transgender rights now that the justices have signed off on Tennessee's ban on gender-affirming care for minors.
After the justices announce opinions from the bench, they'll meet behind closed doors to discuss how to proceed with more than a half-dozen petitions concerning states' transgender athlete bans, bathroom restrictions and prohibitions on gender-affirming surgeries in Medicaid plans.
Transgender rights advocates are holding out hope that the conservative majority's ruling last week upholding the Tennessee law is limited and they can still eke out victories as the cases press ahead.
'As frustrating an answer as it is, I don't actually think this tells us much at all of how those other contexts will proceed before this court,' said Karen Loewy, senior counsel and director of Lambda Legal's constitutional law practice. 'In as much as I think we can try to read tea leaves and find doctrinal through-lines, this is one of those instances where the court made clear that they were just doing something different and specific here.'
The Supreme Court issued its 6-3 ruling along ideological lines, marking one of their biggest cases implicating LGBTQ protections in recent years.
Petitions asking the court to hear other transgender rights disputes piled up for months as the justices punted action to consider the Tennessee case, U.S. v. Skrmetti.
With the decision now in, the freeze is thawing.
At their weekly closed-door conference Thursday, the justices will return to nine petitions implicating transgender rights, case dockets show.
Their usual practice is to send them back to lower courts to take another look in light of an intervening decision. But two Republican-controlled states are urging the court to forgo that exercise, warning it won't resolve their disputes, so the court should take them up now for their next term.
In West Virginia, Attorney General JB McCuskey (R) asked the Supreme Court on Tuesday to hear the state's defense of its transgender athlete ban. It is the third time the state has asked the justices to step in to allow it to enforce the 2021 law, which lower courts have blocked.
In court filings, McCuskey, the Alliance Defending Freedom and attorneys for several West Virginia Board of Education members said the Tennessee case left constitutional questions relevant to the case unanswered.
'United States v. Skrmetti disclaims any guidance on the Title IX question presented here, and the decision's equal-protection analysis does not address critical questions unique to athletics,' they wrote.
Public schools, they said, remain 'between a rock and a hard place,' citing President Trump's executive order to ban trans students from girls' and women's sports and the administration's statements that Title IX, the federal law against sex discrimination, prohibits trans athletes from competing.
'Should they follow an executive order that threatens all their funding — even funding unrelated to athletics? Or should they follow a court order that has not yet been applied to them?' McCuskey's office asked in court filings. 'The years of delay that would follow were the Court to grant, vacate, and remand here would not help.'
In Idaho, Gov. Brad Little (R) similarly asked the court to take up his state's trans athletes law, saying that lower court proceedings would otherwise 'delay the inevitable.'
'Whether designating sports teams based on biological sex violates the Equal Protection Clause is a critically important issue that has been roiling the lower courts, frustrating female student athletes, and confounding every level of government for years,' the state wrote in court filings this week.
Other cases are also waiting in the wings Thursday, though those parties haven't tried to sway the justices following the court's Skrmetti ruling.
Arizona's Senate president is defending the state's transgender athlete ban. West Virginia and Idaho are defending their gender-affirming surgery bans in Medicaid plans. North Carolina is trying to vindicate its similar ban for a government employee health plan. And Oklahoma wants the court to uphold its law banning people from changing their sex designation on official documents to match their gender identity.
Challengers to Tennessee's gender-affirming care ban for minors had hoped to convince the Supreme Court that the law, S.B. 1, classified based on sex and transgender status, which could require it to clear a more exacting constitutional standard known as heightened scrutiny.
Chief Justice John Roberts' majority opinion said it did neither and instead drew lines based on age and the treatments' medical purpose.
'Rather, S.B. 1 prohibits healthcare providers from administering puberty blockers and hormones to minors for certain medical uses, regardless of a minor's sex,' Roberts wrote.
But in some of the other cases set for the justices' consideration Thursday, Republican-led states directly admit their laws turn on sex, which could force the court to confront the issue.
And because the justices deemed that Tennessee's law does not discriminate against transgender Americans either, the court has yet to decide whether they qualify as a 'suspect class' that would independently trigger a higher level of constitutional scrutiny.
Only three conservative justices — Justices Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito and Amy Coney Barrett — signed onto concurring opinions explicitly rejecting the idea.
'That important question has divided the Courts of Appeals, and if we do not confront it now, we will almost certainly be required to do so very soon,' Alito cautioned in a solo opinion.
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USA Today
28 minutes ago
- USA Today
Thanks, Supreme Court! It's now my right to prevent my kid from learning about Trump.
Any attempt to teach my children that Trump exists and is president might suggest such behavior is acceptable, and that would infringe on my right to raise my child under the moral tenets of my faith. I have a deeply held religious conviction that, by divine precept, lying, bullying and paying $130,000 in hush money to an adult film star are all immoral acts. So it is with great thanks to the U.S. Supreme Court and its recent ruling allowing Maryland parents to opt their children out of any lessons that involve LGBTQ+ material that I announce the following: Attempts to teach my children anything about Donald Trump, including the unfortunate fact that he is president of the United States, place an unconstitutional burden on my First Amendment right to freely exercise my religion. In its June 27 ruling, the high court cited Wisconsin v. Yoder and noted, 'The Court recognized that parents have a right 'to direct the religious upbringing of their children' and that this right can be infringed by laws that pose 'a very real threat of undermining' the religious beliefs and practices that parents wish to instill in their children.' Supreme Court shows I can fight to keep kids from learning about Trump Well, I wish to instill in my children the belief that suggesting some Americans are 'radical left thugs that live like vermin' and describing a female vice president of the United States as 'mentally impaired' and 'a weak and foolish woman' are bad things unworthy of anyone, much less a commander in chief. So any attempt to teach my children that Trump exists and is president might suggest such behavior is acceptable, and that would infringe on my right to raise my children under the moral tenets of my faith. 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That wish is undermined by any book or teacher exposing my student to the fact that Trump is president. Supreme Court is protecting children from the tyranny of love Alito cited several books that were at issue in Maryland schools, including one called 'Love Violet,' which 'follows a young girl named Violet who has a crush on her female classmate, Mira. Mira makes Violet's 'heart skip' and 'thunde[r] like a hundred galloping horses.' Although Violet is initially too afraid to interact with Mira, the two end up exchanging gifts on Valentine's Day. Afterwards, the two girls are seen holding hands and 'galloping over snowy drifts to see what they might find. Together.'' While my religion would define such a story as 'sweet' and 'loving,' Alito and his fellow conservatives on the Supreme Court find it 'hostile' to parents' religious beliefs. 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I will now object to any book or classroom mention of Donald Trump I simply will not stand idly by while a taxpayer-funded school indoctrinates my children into believing a fundamentally dishonest and unkind person like Trump has the moral character to be president of the United States. My faith has led me to teach them otherwise, and any suggestion that Trump's behavior is acceptable would undermine that faith. Opinion: As a teacher, Supreme Court siding with parents' religious freedom concerns me Elly Brinkley, a staff attorney for U.S. Free Expression Programs at the free-speech advocacy group PEN America, said in a statement following the Supreme Court ruling in the Maryland case: 'The decision will allow any parents to object to any subject, with the potential to sow chaos in schools, and impact students, parents, educators, authors, and publishers.' Amen to that. I object to the subject of Donald Trump. Let the chaos ensue. Follow USA TODAY columnist Rex Huppke on Bluesky at @ and on Facebook at

Wall Street Journal
32 minutes ago
- Wall Street Journal
How the Supreme Court Dipped Its Toes in Trump 2.0
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CNN
33 minutes ago
- CNN
From sports to birth certificates, Supreme Court to confront more anti-transgender policies
Just days after the Supreme Court's conservative supermajority upheld Tennessee's ban on gender-affirming care for transgender minors in one of its most important cases of the year, the justices must now decide the fate of other anti-trans policies. As soon as Monday, the nine are set to confront six separate cases that have languished on their docket — some for over a year and a half — including several appeals that deal with whether transgender athletes can play on sports teams that align with their gender identity. The high court's 6-3 ruling this month in US v. Skrmetti delivered a significant legal setback for trans youth and their advocates, who have spent years litigating against health care bans that have been enacted in more than half the country. But the decision was ultimately limited to questions about health care and left other key legal issues for the trans community unresolved. 'The whole gamut of discrimination against trans folks really is at the place where it was before Skrmetti,' said Josh Block, an attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union who represents plaintiffs in some of the pending appeals. 'Skrmetti resolves a hugely important issue, but they resolve it in a way that is narrow and doesn't have an immediate fallout for other types of discrimination.' The court could agree this week to hear arguments in the backlog of cases dealing with trans issues — putting transgender rights front and center for a second year in a row. It could also dispose of the cases summarily, which would mean requiring lower courts to review their decisions in light of Skrmetti. In addition to the sports issue, the justices are juggling appeals that deal with health insurance plans that deny coverage for gender-affirming care and an executive order signed by the governor of Oklahoma that bars the state health department from allowing anyone to alter the sex or gender on their birth certificate. If the Supreme Court summarily sends those cases back to a lower court, it would likely wipe out decisions that were favorable to transgender advocates. Whether the justices take up any of the cases for their next session is no small thing: The court has been reluctant in recent years to consider the extent to which the Constitution or other federal laws provide protection to transgender Americans. Before the Tennessee case, the last time the high court decided a major dispute dealing specifically with trans rights was 2020, when the justices said that federal civil rights law protects transgender workers. But that decision was limited to the workplace, and the court declined in Skrmetti to decide whether the rationale in that case can be applied elsewhere. Attorneys for the states of Idaho and West Virginia, which both enacted anti-trans sports bans in recent years, wasted no time responding to the Skrmetti decision, filing rush briefs at the Supreme Court arguing that the justices should not close the door on the other pending cases. The lower courts had concluded the laws at issue in those cases violated the Constitution's Equal Protection Clause and Title IX, a federal law that prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex at schools that receive federal aid. Because the court decided the Skrmetti case on the ground that Tennessee's gender-affirming care ban classified based on age and medical use, the states' lawyers argued, it doesn't help resolve challenges to the sports bans, which turn more directly on sex. 'While Skrmetti is a landmark decision, our specific question remains,' West Virginia Attorney General JB McCuskey said last week. Attorneys for Idaho also urged the justices to hear their case, arguing that simply sending it back down for a lower court to reconsider the challenge in light of the Skrmetti decision 'is unlikely to accomplish anything but more harm to women and girls.' 'Whether designating sports teams based on biological sex violates the Equal Protection Clause is a critically important issue that has been roiling the lower courts, frustrating female student athletes, and confounding every level of government for years,' they wrote in court papers. Research on trans people's athletic performance is scarce, and there have been no large-scale scientific studies on the topic or on how hormone therapies may affect their performance in specific sport categories. Chief Justice John Roberts' opinion in Skrmetti made no mention of sports bans, which have been enacted in more than two dozen Republican-led states. But conservative Justice Amy Coney Barrett made clear in a concurring opinion that she's against adding transgender status to the short list of personal identities like race and sex that receive special protection under the 14th Amendment. And she pointed to sports bans to argue that courts shouldn't be over-policing decisions made by elected lawmakers. 'Beyond the treatment of gender dysphoria, transgender status implicates several other areas of legitimate regulatory policy — ranging from access to restrooms to eligibility for boys' and girls' sports teams,' she wrote in an opinion joined by Justice Clarence Thomas. 'But legislatures have many valid reasons to make policy in these areas, and so long as a statute is a rational means of pursuing a legitimate end, the equal protection clause is satisfied.' While bans on gender-affirming care for minors have become a political lightning rod in recent years, other restrictions on access to health care for trans Americans have garnered less attention, including ones impacting adults. Last year, North Carolina and West Virginia asked the high court to review an appeals court decision that deemed unlawful those states' exclusion of coverage for gender-affirming care in insurance plans they sponsor. The Richmond, Virginia-based court held that the exclusions in both state plans violated the Equal Protection Clause. When the states first asked the Supreme Court to step into the disputes, they pressed the court to take the cases up notwithstanding the justices' announcement that they would hear the Tennessee case, which presented similar legal questions. West Virginia, in particular, stressed the fact that the 4th US Circuit Court of Appeals also decided that its plan violated various federal laws, making the need for further review more necessary because the Skrmetti case dealt only with an alleged constitutional violation. 'Skrmetti did not address the statutory questions that the Fourth Circuit resolved against West Virginia. As for the equal-protection analysis, the level of scrutiny, the importance of a state's interest, and the relative 'fit' between that interest and the state's solution are different in the Medicaid context. So lower courts and States will still need more help after Skrmetti,' they wrote. The court is also considering hearing an appeal over a challenge to a Kentucky law similar to the Tennessee ban. There's significant overlap between the two cases, but a key distinction lies in the fact that the challengers in the Kentucky case are asking the court to decide whether that state's ban also violates a parent's right to make medical decisions for their children. During oral arguments in the Tennessee case last December, Barrett appeared interested in whether a ruling in the state's favor would foreclose courts from considering any future challenge to the law based on the parental rights issue — signaling that there may be support on the bench for addressing that piece of the debate at a later time. Karen Loewy, an attorney with the LGBTQ rights group Lambda Legal, said that while the court's Skrmetti decision makes it harder for litigants to fight back against laws like Tennessee's, the conservative majority was careful to 'leave the door open' for other arguments to be considered by the justices in the remaining cases. She cited both the parental rights issue and the court's decision to not address whether the 2020 ruling had any application outside of the employment space. 'Those are all still tools and legal arguments that are very viable in challenging other kinds of discrimination,' Loewy said.