
Sanseito, the ‘Japanese first' party that emerged through YouTube during Covid-19, deals big blow to Japan PM Ishiba's coalition
In a big development in Japan's politics, Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba's ruling coalition failed Monday (July 21, 2025) to secure a majority in the 248-seat upper house in a crucial parliamentary election. The failure of Ishiba's coalition made way for the fringe far-right Sanseito party, which emerged as one of the biggest winners, gaining support with warnings of a "silent invasion" of immigrants and pledges for tax cuts and welfare spending.
The latest election loss is another blow to the coalition led by Ishiba's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), as it now becomes a minority in both houses following the loss in October 2024 in the lower house election. The results of the Monday elections have worsened Japan's political instability. It was the first time the LDP had lost a majority in both houses of parliament since the party's formation in 1955.
Despite the election drubbing, Ishiba exuded confidence and expressed his determination to stay on and not create a political vacuum to tackle challenges such as U.S. tariff threats.Ishiba's LDP and its junior coalition partner Komeito, which needed to win 50 seats on top of the 75 seats they already have to retain their majority, won 47 seats. It was three seats short of a majority and a retreat of 19 seats from before the vote.
The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) secured 39 seats, while its coalition partner Komeito won 8 seats. The main opposition, the Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP), bagged 22 seats, with the Democratic Party for the People (DPP) taking 17 and the rapidly rising Sanseito winning 14. This election resulted in the ruling LDP-Komeito coalition losing its majority, marking a significant shift in Japan's political landscape.
The leader of the main opposition CDP, Yoshihiko Noda, said on Sunday (July 20, 2025) he is considering submitting a vote of no confidence in the Ishiba administration, as the result showed it did not have voters' trust.Birthed on YouTube during the COVID-19 pandemic, spreading conspiracy theories about vaccinations and a cabal of global elites, the party broke into mainstream politics with its "Japanese First" campaign. Founded in early 2020, as the COVID-19 pandemic was beginning to unfold, Sanseito initially gained attention for its divisive and inflammatory rhetoric, as well as its penchant for repeating conspiracy theories.It was originally started by conservative activists, including Sohei Kamiya, who launched it as a grassroots movement through a YouTube channel.The party strongly opposed mask rules, PCR tests, vaccine requirements, and other public health efforts, and was openly against immigration. It has bagged 14 seats, adding to the single lawmaker it secured in the 248-seat chamber three years ago. It has only three seats in the more powerful lower house."The phrase Japanese First was meant to express rebuilding Japanese people's livelihoods by resisting globalism. I am not saying that we should completely ban foreigners or that every foreigner should get out of Japan," Sohei Kamiya, the party's 47-year-old leader, said in an interview with local broadcaster Nippon Television after the election.After the ruling coalition suffered defeat in the polls, PM Ishiba still has slight chances, if not more, to retain his position, but it will be a daunting task as the party has lost majority in both houses. Ishiba has publicly stated he'll remain prime minister, mainly to manage critical tariff negotiations with the US, even though his Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) now leads a minority government. Governing as a minority makes it tough for him to pass new laws without support from opposition parties. To regain a working majority, the LDP has already started coalition talks with parties like the Democratic Party for the People (DPP) and other smaller groups. For now, Ishiba is likely to continue, given that tariff negotiations with the United States are an issue that needs to be dealt with as a priority. But he could face calls from within his party to step down or find another coalition partner. One ray of hope for Ishiba, despite the poor showing, is that the defeat will not immediately trigger a change of government because the upper house lacks the power to file a no-confidence motion against a leader. Ishiba had set the bar low, wanting a simple majority of 125 seats, which means his LDP and its Buddhist-backed junior coalition partner, Komeito, needed to win 50 seats. Exit poll results released seconds after the ballots closed Sunday night mostly showed a major setback for Ishiba's coalition.The LDP alone won 39 seats, better than most exit poll projections of 32, and is still the No. 1 party in the parliament, known as the Diet. But Ishiba said the coalition's poor showing was because his government's measures to combat price increases had yet to reach many people.As the poll results surfaced on Sunday, Ishiba told reporters he would remain as prime minister, citing a looming tariff deadline with the United States set to strain the world's fourth-largest economy. 'It's a tough situation. I take it humbly and sincerely,' Ishiba told a live interview with NHK.
Economic worries frustrate voters
Soaring prices, lagging incomes, and burdensome social security payments are the top issues for frustrated, cash-strapped voters. Stricter measures targeting foreign residents and visitors also emerged as a key issue, with a surging right-wing populist party leading the campaign.Sunday's vote comes after Ishiba's coalition lost a majority in the October lower house election, stung by past corruption scandals, and his unpopular government has since been forced into making concessions to the opposition to get legislation through parliament. It has been unable to quickly deliver effective measures to mitigate rising prices, including Japan's traditional staple of rice, and dwindling wages.
Trade talks with Washington U.S. President Donald Trump has added to the pressure, complaining about a lack of progress in trade negotiations and the lack of sales of U.S. autos and American-grown rice to Japan despite a shortfall in domestic stocks of the grain. A 25% tariff due to take effect Aug. 1 has been another blow for Ishiba.Ishiba resisted any compromise before the election, but the prospect of a breakthrough after the election is just as unclear because the minority government would have difficulty forming a consensus with the opposition.
Populism gains traction Frustrated voters were rapidly turning to emerging populist parties. The eight main opposition groups, however, were too fractured to forge a common platform as a united front and gain voter support as a viable alternative.The emerging populist party Sanseito stands out with the toughest anti-foreigner stance, with its 'Japanese First' platform that proposes a new agency to handle policies related to foreigners. The party's populist platform also includes anti-vaccine, anti-globalism, and favors traditional gender roles.Conservative opposition groups, especially the DPP and Sanseito, gained significant ground at the Liberal Democrats' expense, while the centrist top opposition CDPJ was sluggish. The DPP quadrupled to 17 seats from four, according to interim results reported by Japanese media. Sanseito surged to 14 from just one.Sanseito leader, former local assembly member, and Self-Defense Force reserve personnel, told NHK he is open to cooperating with the ruling bloc on conservative policies while waiting to gain more seats in the other house in the next election and form a multi-party coalition as in Europe.None of the opposition parties said that they were open to cooperating with the governing coalition. CDPJ leader Yoshihiko Noda told NHK that his priority is to ally with the opposition. 'Public opinion clearly said 'no' to the Ishiba government,' Noda said. The spread of xenophobic rhetoric in the election campaign and on social media triggered protests by human rights activists and alarmed foreign residents.
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Time of India
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The Print
4 hours ago
- The Print
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The video gained traction quickly, racking up over 15,000 views, 1,200 likes and 500 comments on YouTube within 24 hours. The song's lyrics are hard-hitting. One verse that seems to have hit a raw nerve says that corruption and hooliganism have increased under the Dhami government: 'Tera raj ma bhrashtachaar, gundagardi hoyin chhai, janta sadaikiyon mein lachaar, betiyon ka hona chhan balatkaar…Dhami re, ni thaami re. (Your rule reeks of corruption and hooliganism, the people are perpetually helpless, daughters are facing rapes… Dhami, you couldn't even hold it together).' Semwal has been performing for over two decades and has worked for prominent production houses like Rama Cassettes and T-Series. Although his music critiquing those in power has ruffled feathers before, neither he nor any other protest singer in the state has found themselves in the crosshairs of police in the past. Not even when he released a song in 2018 targeting then chief minister Trivendra Singh Rawat, highlighting rising crimes against women in the state and accusing the government of being 'asleep', directly calling out Rawat and featuring his image in the video. But his latest song has triggered a much stronger reaction. Semwal alleges that hours after the song was released, police began showing up at his door. He told ThePrint that the Dehradun police came to his Delhi house on 17 July and told him to remove some images, specifically those of the chief minister, from the video. Police also asked him to remove the chief minister's name from the video. 'We edited the song accordingly and sent it to them. But later that night, around midnight, the police came again and took me in for questioning. They dropped me back home the next afternoon,' he added. Semwal said that after modifying the lyrics and visuals, he re-uploaded the song. This time, Chief Minister Dhami's images were removed, his name was altered to 'Dami', and a few protest visuals and news clippings were replaced with generic representative footage. But the matter didn't end there. On 20 July, police came to his house in Delhi and took him to Dehradun again. He added that his producer, Deepak, was taken too, but in a separate vehicle,' he said. He then deleted the video from YouTube altogether. 'Police barged into my house as if I were a terrorist,' Semwal said. 'What crime have I committed? In Uttarakhand, artists have always come forward to voice public concerns. I've always sung about issues that matter to the hills. If we folk artists won't raise our voices, who will?' he said. The singer alleged that the police continuously pressured him to take down the video. 'I was confused. We had already taken it off YouTube, but it was widely shared on Facebook. I told them, 'How many places will you remove it from?'' Semwal was again summoned to Dehradun for questioning on Sunday. He clarified that the Delhi Police were not involved when he was picked up from Delhi each time. Semwal has not been arrested, but police have registered a First Information Report (FIR) at Patel Nagar police station under sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita related to promoting enmity between groups, statements conducive to public mischief and the use of a word, gesture or act intended to insult the modesty of a woman. Police officers confirmed the FIR to ThePrint but declined further comment, calling it a 'sensitive issue'. Legal trouble But it wasn't only the use of the chief minister's name and picture that put Semwal into trouble. After the song was uploaded again on 20 July, an Uttarkashi resident, Manju Devi, filed a police complaint alleging that a line in the song, which links a rise in the number of liquor shops to prostitution, was offensive to all women in Uttarakhand. In a now-viral video, Manju Devi is seen threatening the singer: 'If I see him, I will behead him… 28 cases have already happened and the 29th will be this one where I kill him.' Semwal has written to West Delhi Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP) Vichitra Veer, requesting action against the woman. 'The woman who is threatening me may either have me killed or may falsely implicate me in a serious case and get me imprisoned. Therefore, I humbly request you to kindly take strict legal action against this woman and her associates who are threatening me,' read the complaint, a copy of which ThePrint has seen. ThePrint also reached the DCP via phone calls but did not receive any response. This report will be updated if and when a response is received. Semwal, who launched his own label, Bhuvaneshwari Production, in 2018, under which the controversial song was released, called the government's actions oppressive. 'This is a tanashahi sarkar (dictatorial government). They're arresting people who are doing their work. If we can't raise concerns with the government, who else are we supposed to talk to?' The singer, whose production house has over 32,000 subscribers on YouTube and has published over 120 videos, maintained that governments should view such art as a wake-up call, not an attack. 'It depends on the government whether they want to take it constructively or suppress it,' he told ThePrint. This isn't Semwal's first brush with controversy. When he released a song targeting former Chief Minister Rawat, titled 'Uttarakhandi Jagi Java' (People of Uttarakhand, wake up), a Dehradun resident filed a complaint against him. The song highlighted the rising crimes against women in the state and accused the government of being asleep, directly calling out Rawat and featuring his image in the video. But the then-BJP government distanced itself from the matter, saying the party had no connection to the complainant. When Rawat was asked to respond to the song, he said: 'Some people like unclean water, so they go to drains; some people like clean water and they go to the Ganga.' Political slugfest The Congress has slammed the FIR and subsequent police action against Semwal, calling it an attempt to stifle dissent. 'This is nothing short of clipping the wings of a folk singer, silencing a voice that speaks for the people,' Congress spokesperson Garima Dasauni from Uttarakhand told ThePrint, adding that the Dhami-led government is acting in a manner that undermines constitutional values. She also drew a link between the song's criticism of growing addiction among the state's youth and an announcement by the Chief Minister's Office (CMO) about implementing a plan to strengthen mental health and de-addiction services shortly after. The campaign reportedly will be implemented under the provisions of the Mental Healthcare Act, 2017. The government notification was issued on 24 July 2023. Acknowledging that even during Congress rule, there was criticism from artists and citizens, she pointed out that 'the government then never responded with FIRs or legal threats'. 'The BJP government is not addressing real issues like unemployment or youth welfare. Instead, it continues to obsess over Muslims, madrasas, UCC, and 'jihad',' she added. The state government defended its record. 'The development work of the Dhami government is resonating across Uttarakhand. Its popularity is rooted in these efforts. Under the guidance of Prime Minister Modi and the capable leadership of Chief Minister Dhami, the state is progressing steadily,' the BJP's Uttarakhand chief spokesperson Manvir Singh said in a written statement to ThePrint. 'Politics rooted in negativity and propaganda is not productive. The people are aware of every motive and, as always, will respond wisely,' he added. 'Bob Dylan of the hills' Semwal isn't the first singer in the hills to use music as a form of resistance. Before him, prominent singer Narendra Singh Negi, often called the 'Bob Dylan of the hills', used Garhwali folk music to satirise those in power. His iconic Nauchami Narayana—a satirical 2006 song in the Jagar style known for its unique ability to adapt to various cultural and religious contexts—directly targeted then Congress chief minister Narayan Dutt Tiwari. The song mocked Tiwari's alleged misuse of power, red beacon culture, corruption and nepotism, portraying him as a 'Kalyug avatar'. It quickly went viral, with CDs and DVDs flying off shelves across the state. The song was banned and party workers burnt his effigies on the roads across the state. The government's attempts to ban and seize the song only intensified public outrage. Many political observers believe the backlash played a role in the Congress party's defeat in the 2007 Uttarakhand Assembly elections. The trend continued in 2012, when Negi released Ab Kathga Khailo, a sharp critique of former BJP Chief Minister Ramesh Pokhriyal 'Nishank'. That song was also widely blamed for the BJP's poor performance in the state elections that year. Negi remains celebrated locally for his fearless approach, taking aim at both the BJP and Congress with equal vigour. For many locals in Uttarakhand, these folk songs have served as powerful expressions of public sentiment, giving voice to frustrations often ignored by the political establishment. 'We felt heard when these songs came out,' said 50-year-old Vikas Uniyal, a resident of Rishikesh. 'We were exhausted by endless bureaucratic hurdles and the lack of real change. Even Semwal's song gave language to what many of us were already feeling.' But Semwal said folk artists have long been neglected in the state. 'What have these political leaders ever done for our culture or for artists? One artist creates employment for three to four others — musicians, dancers. What is the government doing for them?' Anoop Nautiyal, a social activist and founder of the Social Development Communities Foundation, a Dehradun-based NGO, called the government's response disproportionate. Nautiyal told ThePrint that even without the controversy, the song would not have had the kind of impact that Negi's Nauchami Narayana had nearly two decades ago. 'The government went overboard with this one. The song wouldn't have affected them electorally at all,' he said. 'This is the age of social media, trends, and virality. People would have seen it and moved on by the time elections came around. Instead, the government should focus on core issues like hospitals, schools, roads, and governance.' He added that the shelf life of creative work today is far shorter than it was in the past. 'Back then, a song could live in the public memory for months, even years. 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Mint
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